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Meanwhile back at the Seanad, Week 8 March 26, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics.
3 comments

Okay, so last week they spoiled our fun, because of the feast day. No Seanad, no fun… er no, wait, that can’t be right… But… there’s always the previous week which I held over. Oh yes. And what have we got? Well it’s not the happiest of weeks. Levity is thin on the ground… We start with a gloomy anecdote…

(more…)

This week on the Irish Election Literature Blog… March 26, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, The Left.
10 comments

A broad range of materials for us to examine… thanks as ever to AK…

Some Sinn Féin Posters from the 70s (or so I was informed by the donor) … [OSF posters to be precise -wbs]

Placards used by the Kerry Public Service Workers Alliance at a recent picket of FF TDs Tom McEllistrim clinics…

A Stop the Extradition of Sean Garland leaflet given out last Saturday (20th March) in Galway…

From 1997 Lisa Maher running for the Socialist Party in Dublin South…

A 1985 leaflet from Eamon Gilmore then of The Workers Party, who took a big step on the political ladder by being elected a councillor for Ballybrack…

From 2004 Mick Crowley running for the Workers Party in the Cork North West Ward…

and then from 2005, Andy Warhol meets Dev and you even get ‘Tips to surviving the Ard Fheis’ thrown in…

and finally… imagine waking up to this on your doorstep!

Where now for the UUP? March 25, 2010

Posted by Garibaldy in Unionism.
5 comments

Today’s news of Sylvia Hermon’s resignation from the UUP comes as no surprise whatsoever. Still, it’s a blow to the whole UCUNF project, and especially to the UUP under Reg Empey, which for the first time since its foundation has no MPs. It’s been clear since the first rumours of the UUP-Tory link up emerged that she was opposed to the very idea. In this case, silence did not mean consent, especially in light of her consistent record of voting with Labour. After a great deal of delay, she has made the only decision she was ever likely to make. One of the all-too-few NI politicians able to raise her view out of the tribal ghetto, she came to speak at The Workers’ Party Northern Ireland Regional Conference I’d guess around ten years ago, and she talked a fair amount of sense. Most obviously, I thought, on the issue of a Bill of Rights where she had opposed the concept of including nationalist rights and unionist rights in the Bill in her submission to the consultation process. She always seemed more of a natural fit to Alliance than the Ulster Unionist Party, and finally both she and the UUP have acknowledged that reality. It will be a major surprise if she doesn’t walk the next election to retain her seat.

So her future looks certain. What of the UCUNF? Their candidate in North Down will be former Alliance posterboy Ian Parsley, who was always more clearly right-wing and more clearly pro-union than his former colleagues. He is exactly the type of candidate that the Conservatives are hoping for as they makes the argument that they are bringing more British politics to the north – outside traditional tribal politics, articulate, with a clear sense of having embraced modernity. It is easy to imagine him swanning round the more upmarket parts of London inhabited by Cameron and his cohorts, something that cannot be said for the average UUP representative. The only thing he lacks from the ideal Conservative candidate is being a Catholic. It looked like they would be running a couple of those, but after news broke that the Tories, motivated most likely by the increasing possibility of a hung parliament, had invited the DUP and UUP to unionist unity talks, the duo concerned withdrew. Strictly for personal reasons of course, nothing to do with what looked very much like playing the Orange Card at a potentially tight general election.

So the modern, non-sectarian, normal politics promised by the Tories proved not tp be so shiny, new and non-sectarian. Not only that, but the Cameron story of a new socially liberal and socially-repsonsible conservatism has taken a battering in NI on an another front. One of the ways in which the Tories are supposed to have changed is in their attitudes towards gay people. Not only has this come under question due to their new European alliance with such lovely people as these, but, as noted by 1967, Cameron himself has failed to convince about his gay-friendly credentials. And now, unsurprisingly, it turns out the UUP would like to stand someone whose views on gay rights leave a lot to be desired, a story discussed here on Slugger and here by Splintered Sunrise.

Now it could be said, that in trying for unionist unity, refusing to back the devolution of police and justice, and seeking a stand a candidate with a known aversion to having homosexual couples stay at his family B&B, the UUP are revealing that they know their core audience and are appealing to it. After all, unionism, especially outside Belfast, is hardly known as a beacon of modernity. But having pinned their hopes to the Cameron Tory project, this simply gives the appearance of incoherence, desperation, and uncertainty, especially when such an appearence is already present due to the failed attempts to outflank the DUP from the right once it overtook the UUP. An appearance heightened by the loss of their only MP. The pressure on Reg Empey to deliver at the next general election has now grown immensely. His main hope of taking a seat, it seems, lies in the DUP standing aside in a seat like South Belfast or Fermanagh South Tyrone. However, at the minute, it seems the only seat the DUP might stand aside in is North Down, which may well benefit Hermon more than the UCUNF. So it looks like Empey might well have swapped a bird in the hand for none in the bush or anywhere else.

The Tory gamble needed right-wing Catholics to vote for the New Force if it was to work. Not only is there no sign of that taking place, but the PR disaster surrounding unionist unity and now the rights of gay people has probably had the effect of alienating any such likely voters. Instability and incoherence means that UUP voters who support the institutions are likely to stick with the DUP, while the TUV is actually anti-agreement, and more atttractive to hardline voters. So in short, things look bad for the UUP. In chasing the Tory alliance, it looks like Empey has done enough not only to destroy his own leadership, but also to ensure that the only credible figure remaining in the UUP as a possible replacement has gone too. The DUP is most likely to benefit, though it faces its own challenges from the TUV. Interesting times. And, alas, no sign that there will be any benefit to the left from all this.

Look Left… new look March 25, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Workers' Party.
13 comments

Thanks to those who pointed me in the direction of the new look Look Left, both online and off (thanks in particular to LeftAtTheCross who scanned in the above) which says:

As an independent media outlet, supported by the Workers’ Party, Look Left intends to play its part countering these problems by providing a non-sectarian platform for progressive news, views and debate from working class communities as well as from a wide range of left-wing activists.

A good start…

You ain’t been nowhere unless you’ve been to Carlow-Wicklow. And the good relations between TDs in the Coalition March 25, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics.
9 comments

Amidst the noises off, and indeed noises on, about the reshuffle from Fianna Fáil backbenchers, particularly – and how could it be otherwise – the more vociferous of that species, I was fairly entertained to see the following comments.

“It was our last throw of the dice before the next general election and I think it was a missed opportunity. And I’m not happy with the fourth Minister going to the Greens, especially when they pushed for a reduction in Junior Ministers,” Mr Alyward said.

But wait a second… remind me again who else was amongst those wailing and gnashing about the two GP Junior Ministers?

Fianna Fáil TD for Carlow-Wicklow John McGuinness today accused the Taoiseach Brian Cowen of weak leadership and called on him to consider his position.
In an interview broadcast on KCLR96FM this morning, Mr McGuiness said this week’s Cabinet reshuffle showed “a lack of vision, strategy and imagination.”

And…

Mr McGuinness’ comments come shortly after a number of other backbenchers voiced disquiet over the recent reshuffle, with many describing it as a “missed opportunity.”

Fellow constituency TD MJ Nolan said yesterday he was “very disappointed” for voters in his constituency “who consistently supported Fianna Fáil candidates”.

And not to be outdone was the aforementioned Deputy Aylward…

Speaking after a parliamentary party meeting last night Bobby Aylward, another of Mr McGuinness’ Fianna Fáil colleagues in the constituency, was among those who confirmed there was disquiet on the backbenches when no Ministers were dropped, two junior ministers were promoted to Cabinet and four Ministers were moved to different departments.

Carlow-Wicklow. Hmmm. Three of them, Deputies, McGuinness, Nolan and Aylward, all stepping forward to register their upset. Except, except, of course there is no such constituency as Carlow-Wicklow, just the rather less exotic Carlow-Kilkenny.

And who else lives there? Why none other than… newly appointed Junior Minister Mary White, Green Party TD.

Meanwhile one FF TD was spreading sunshine…

Dublin North TD Darragh O’Brien was one of the few TDs contacted by The Irish Times who spoke in favour of the reshuffle. “On balance I’ve no issue with the reshuffle. I’d actually welcome it . . . I don’t have an issue with the Greens,” he said.

Good man yourself.

Although, given the ire from others of his colleagues why would that be? Dublin North, Dublin North, he says? Consulting wikipedia all is revealed…

It’s all about the transfers, and from one of the few GP TDs likely to pull in a serious vote.

Now that’s what I call politics!

Meanwhile screenshots of two versions of the same story on the IT website this morning… the Carlow-Wicklow version and the Carlow-Kilkenny one…

The Big F****** Deal and progressive healthcare proposals in Ireland March 24, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, The Left, US Politics.
7 comments

It’s odd, there’s simply been too much to think about this side of the Atlantic for the events in the US to have much traction. And so issues rise and fall and they’re ignored. But… Health Care has passed… and… well, perhaps it’s a disappointment. On one or two, or maybe many more, levels. This isn’t the social democratic millennium. It’s not exactly socialised medicine and there’s no sense that this is an NHS. But… for all that, it does mark a step forward. No giant leap, but some movement. Or as Joe Biden put it, inappositely given the proximity of microphones – but not inaccurately… it is indeed a ‘big fucking deal’. And not least because of the near-hysterical opposition to it, from – in part – people who should have known better. That this opposition manifested itself in racial and homophobic epithets directed at members of Congress on the day of the vote tells us something about the profound divisiveness of US political discourse in this era (although, for all Obama’s goal of bi-partisanship, when was it ever really otherwise).

Whether it’s an opportunity for progressives, to use a broader canvas, is a different question. It certainly shores up a government that has taken some hammering over the past year or so. I’ve been rewatching the West Wing across the last two or three years — small children do that to you, you know, reducing the time, and more importantly the energy, that is available to consume media. Put aside, as best as is possible, the now almost painfully tragic death of John Spencer and the pathos that lends to his role as Leo McGarry and watch Santos cruise, well, not actually cruise, more stumble through a field of missteps to the Presidency and the resonances with Obama are now so great as to be almost prescient (not least when there is talk of how Santos/McGarry could energise the ‘rock the vote’ crowd). Of course Santos was based in part on Obama, but throughout the fictional campaign there is an undertow that ‘no, he can’t make it – it’s too soon’.

And as with any achievement that in itself becomes almost too suffused with its own meaning why is there any surprise that Obama’s ratings have fallen since the Presidential election, albeit not quite as precipitously as they might have, that his stock has diminished, that that initial lustre is now tarnished in some indefinable fashion. It is almost as if it were better that he had won, and then slipped away into obscurity, for the winning was the main thing and all else… a disappointment.

He’s had to make all the little compromises that we on the left knew he would, albeit one could argue that the tone of the US in international affairs is vastly improved (even if the reality, as with Afghanistan, hasn’t changed enormously) and from time to time there have been flashes of a different way of doing things, as with this last weeks spat with Israel over settlements in East Jerusalem. Indeed it becomes clearer and clearer that while progressive, in some respects, Obama was a much more centrist figure, in both personality and policy, than he was painted by either his fiercest opponents or staunchest supporters.

Even the rhetoric of his speech to House Democrats, as noted by John Dickerson on Slate, while tilting away from Republicans didn’t exactly paint the flag red

“Something inspired you to get involved, and something inspired you to be a Democrat instead of running as a Republican,” he said. “Because somewhere deep in your heart you said to yourself, ‘I believe in an America in which we don’t just look out for ourselves, that we don’t just tell people you’re on your own.’ “

Hmmmm… there’s more than one Republican who could justly say, even thoguh I disagree with the analysis, ‘ah, yes, but… we believe that people are better placed if they make their own provision than if government does it for them…’.

But, there’s a part of me, that despite the disappointment, thinks that on a human level the extension of health care to a further 32 million Americans, despite the lack of a public option, is in and of itself a good thing. That curiously the Republican contradictions in terms of their appallingly hypocritical stances on Medicare have been educative. That while not big government, Obama has – at least – provided an explicatory lesson as to why the state, even in a polity as right of centre economically and socially as much of the US is, has a hugely important role to play.

These are achievements, however difficult to parse (and I liked the headline on this.. ) and partial though they may be. That they are not per se of the left, that they could, in this state, be supported by many on the centre right doesn’t reduce their significance for the US.

Indeed in this state they are supported by the right (and that thought should belie the the notion that we live in anything close to a state with social democratic levels of public provision). This week the issue of the latest Fine Gael healthcare proposals came up. And as SonofStan noted, for a non-socialist party, they’re not without merit (and worth adding that Vincent Brown has found stuff in the New Politics proposals that he likes – kudos to Fine Gael).

A 3-Phase Programme
Reforming the Irish health system will not be easy. The last thing Ireland needs is another ill-conceived experiment like the formation of the Health Service Executive (HSE). In addition, any reform must be undertaken within Fine Gael’s overall budgetary framework. We have, therefore, divided our FairCare programme into three distinct, but over-lapping phases that will allow us to gradually introduce reforms in a way that is both carefully planned and affordable

It continues…

Phase 1: Maximise what we have (Implemented from Year 1)
In the first phase of FairCare, we will change the way hospitals work and, as indicated above, will also significantly strengthen Ireland’s Primary Care system.

Phase 2: Introduce “Money follows the patient” (Year 3)
Under the current system of fixed budgets, each additional patient is effectively a “cost” to the health service. This system provides no incentives for efficiency or productivity. Under MFTP, health providers will be paid for how many patients they treat. Patients will be a source of “income” rather than a “cost”, just as they are in private hospitals today.
MFTP will mean that decision-making is increasingly devolved to the hospitals themselves. Once MFTP is introduced, the National Treatment Purchase Fund will be closed, saving around €100 mn a year. Long term, we expect MFTP to increase efficiency by as much as 10%.

Let’s hold on right there, because this is very similar to… proposals from another party… step forward Labour in their 2007 Election Manifesto – the Fair Society!

The Money Follows the Patient:Towards Universal Health Insurance

The existing two-tier structure in the health services is both unfair and inefficient. It establishes a perverse structure of incentives, particularly for consultants. It leads to resources being allocated bureaucratically to health care providers, rather than ensuring that resources automatically flow to wherever patients are and want to be. Labour believes that a high quality and fair health service requires the introduction of universal health insurance, which would ensure that resources are allocated to meet the needs of patients.

Perhaps Labour should sue. Or perhaps this means that there’s a slight chance this will be implemented in a future coalition government. Or both.

The FG document continues:

Phase 3: “Universal Health Insurance” (Implemented in Year 5)
Once the first and second phases of FairCare have been successfully implemented, Fine Gael will introduce Universal Health Insurance (UHI), a system that is widely used in Europe and in Canada. UHI will only be introduced once waiting lists have been significantly reduced in Phases 1 and 2. In the interim, the current system of voluntary insurance in Ireland will remain in place.

Within its first 30 days in office, a Fine Gael Government will establish a UHI
COMMISSION, which will include representatives from all of the major stakeholders in the health service. Its primary task will be to build a consensus around the practical measures that need to be taken to prepare the health system for UHI. One of the keys to success for any insurance system is strong regulation. The Regulator will be answerable to the Minister and the Oireachtas. Fine Gael proposes to introduce the Dutch model of UHI in Ireland, with mandatory health insurance for everyone, to be chosen from a selection of providers. The Netherlands spends only slightly more than us on health on a per capita basis, but is ranked number 1 in Europe for quality and Number 2 for value for money (Source: European Health Consumer Index 2008).

The Dutch system of UHI has strict community rating and an obligation to cover, which means that insurance companies will not be able to discriminate against anybody on the basis of age, sex, medical history, etc. This will be underpinned by a system of Risk Equalisation, which will compensate insurers for covering higher risk, higher cost patients. The insurance model will also address mental health.

All good stuff… but back to Labour…

In other words, the money follows the patient. We are committed to this objective. Such a system can only be introduced over a period of time and requires significant change to the structure and capacity of the health service in advance of the introduction of full UHI. Accordingly, we propose to develop a UHI system through a series of steps, each of which represents an important reform, in and of itself, improving the quality of service to patients.

We will:
■ Change the way doctors are paid, establishing a stronger link between the work consultants do for public patients and what they get paid.
■ Change the way hospitals are paid to link budgets more closely to work done for patients, and to provide explicitly for activities such as teaching.
■ We will extend free health insurance cover to everyone up to age 16.

Actually, there’s some remarkable crossovers in terms of the text…

Here’s Labour:

Mental Health Services
Mental Health has long been the Cinderella of the health services, under-funded and neglected. There a number of unmet needs, including mental health services for children and services for those suffering from dementia. Meanwhile, the problem of suicide requires urgent attention. Labour supports the concept of ‘recovery-orientated mental health services’.
What Labour will do:
■ In time, we envisage a minimum base line funding for mental health services of 10 per cent of current health spending.
■ Put in place multidisciplinary community mental health teams, reducing the need for inpatient care.
■ Close psychiatric institutions that are inappropriate for their purpose, once
adequate out-patient services are in place. Funds from the sale of such institutions to be ring-fenced for mental health services.

And here is Fine Gael:

Fine Gael will also ensure that resources, arising from the sale of psychiatric institutions and lands, will be ring-fenced to mental health. Psychiatric illness must be treated like any other illness, and resourced accordingly.

But beyond those ‘similarities’ in a way these proposals present a problem. Because these are not socialist, or even truly social democratic. The structures remain – in part – private. The state is not the provider of insurance, it merely holds the ring. And the Fine Gael document, perhaps to provide ideological cover, is very very open about this.

UHI: The Best Medicine for Ireland’s Failing Health System
There are basically three different models of healthcare right now.

• The Beveridge model (centralised monopoly health service provider financed from taxation: Ireland, UK);
• The Business model (voluntary private insurance: USA); and
• The Bismarck model (mandatory social insurance with tax subsidies;
decentralized and independent health service providers: Germany, France, the Netherlands).
On most international comparison, the Bismarck model has been shown to produce superior results. REFORM, an independent think-tank, has looked at a variety of international case studies. It has concluded that insurance incentives in healthcare are vital because they:
• Achieve greater value.
• Help de-politicise healthcare.
• Provide reasons for individuals and authorities to value long term improvements in health and wellbeing; and
• Define exactly what individuals are covered for, ending postcode lottery and empowering individuals to demand their rights from providers.
For all of these reasons, we propose that Ireland should move from its centralised model of healthcare based on the HSE to a UHI system.

And the role of the State?

Under the Dutch model of UHI, the Government is neither the provider nor the chief funder of healthcare. However, it remains the ultimate guarantor of the system. It will be the Department of Health’s job to ensure that safety and quality were maintained at the highest level throughout the system. In addition, it will be up to the Government to ensure that the system remained truly competitive. More generally, the State will still be responsible for the funding of long term care, mental health, services to improve and protect public health, disease prevention, health research, education and training, etc.

Well, not sure I buy into that. But… I can’t help but think, though, that if the opportunity came to put them into practice the very concept of universality – for me – trumps almost all else. Because that can be worked on and extended. If universal provision in health care is accepted and acceptable, then why not in a range of other social areas? And that is a fundamentally educative moment for a society.

We see in the UK how the titan of the NHS has, despite both frontal and covert attacks, remained in situ across many decades. Once extant it is difficult to remove (although this has happened at the margins in the NHS) service provision. But to shift from where we are to where we want to be, some form of universal system of health provision, would be assisted by a universalisation of health insurance. It would be difficult, one suspects, to strip away that level of provision subsequently. What, after all, would be the alternative on offer? Either a deepening of it, or a fractured system that self-evidently doesn’t function sufficiently well. And the US experience of Medicare provides a telling example, where the Republicans attempted to pitch the Obama healthcare initiative as a threat to it, even to the point of pretending that Medicare wasn’t a Federal programme.

Interesting too that there are aspects which deserve greater detail. For example, what of supplementary elements to health care packages?

In essence, the insured are free to join any insurer and can change their insurer each year. All of the insurers must offer a standard insurance package, mandated by the State, covering all of the essential services and treatments one would normally expect – GP and hospital care, medicines, maternity care, ambulances, etc. It will also include cover for psychiatric illness. The insurance companies compete for business largely on the basis of price and reputation (the package of services covered is determined by the State). The insured will have every incentive to look for the best package available.

The insurers can offer supplemental packages to cover items not in the standard package – non-essential medical treatments such as additional dental treatments and therapies for adults, etc. – but this will not be regulated by the State and customers will have to pay for this supplementary insurance coverage out of their own pockets.

That’s something that I’d certainly want more information about.

I certainly don’t want to sound overly critical about Fine Gael, or indeed Labour. As I say, the suggestions, albeit not social democratic in my understanding of the term, would introduce key elements of a progressive agenda into our health services. They have the merit of actually attempting to put shape and form onto a sector that by any reckoning has been chaotic. Yet there is nothing inevitable that means that any progress would move beyond universal health coverage, that a UHI might not simply stop at that, and that would be up to social democrats and socialists to push for subsequent to its introduction.

Mind you, one could also ask, when it comes down to it why it is that the thoughts of Vincent Brown earlier this month as to a potential way forward are not being adopted by the Labour Party

We are talking about a society that would impose a single tier, publicly funded, health service (if people wanted private medicine they would be free to pay for it themselves, with no State subsidy). Ditto in education. And a publicly-funded pension scheme for all citizens, with no tax breaks for private pensions.

It could be that simple. But no one will – apparently – grasp the nettle of what is, in truth, fairly mild traditional social democracy. So, two – perhaps two and a quarter – cheers for Fine Gael, and Obama. But…

Those post election options for Fine Gael… March 24, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, The Left.
11 comments

From the Week in Politics:

If FG did do quite and perhaps didn’t need Labour to make up numbers who would be your preferred coalition option…

Enda Kenny: Well I ruled out SF previously on the basis that they still have an Army Council and their policy positions are completely contradictory to Fine Gael’s on tax and Europe… and all the rest of it – even given the movement that they’ve had.

The Greens are locked into government while some of them have said to me they’d have much preferred to have done business with FG.

Obviously the LP and FG three times in the last thirty years have formed governments to deal with the economy when that was necessary.

But my focus to be honest is on winning an overall majority, we’re not having a pact with anybody… we’re standing our own candidates in every constituency… and I have to say that the message FG has out there about getting ireland back to work is really on peoples mind.

Well now. That’s interesting. Sinn Féin remain beyond the pale ‘even given the movement that they’ve had’… This Army Council point is fascinating. For how can one prove it either way? And given that policing powers are devolving to the Executive even were it true wouldn’t it be something of an irrelevancy? And why, when one thinks about it, doesn’t he just come out and say just the second part of the statement is the important one, that Sinn Féin are not compatible due to their economic policies. Well he doesn’t because one suspects that SF have a totemic quality inside FG and its support base, much as they had one for the Sunday Independent, before the latter discovered public sector bashing was better craic.

Let’s not underplay this either. One aspect of the Willy O’Dea fall that was barely mentioned were certain issues pertaining to Republicanism in Limerick. That doesn’t go away either.

The Green party, well, that’s not really answering the question, is it? The Green Party are in government now. After an election, they wouldn’t be. So let’s ignore that and assume that given a fair wind FG would be delighted to deal with the GP, particularly with those who’d have preferred to do business with them. And who knows. Two or three Green TDs and an assortment of Independents. Doesn’t look likely now, but, in the wake of a serious collapse of the FF vote who knows?

That’s an odd little formulation about the Labour Party, at least to my ears. Something almost a little bit prissy in the ‘when that was necessary’… ah yes, those Labour Party types, called up to do their duty to assist in fixing the economy. Although, the Rainbow Coalition surely wasn’t about economy fixing? Surely not.

Hardly a ringing endorsement of any future combination, though. Almost, tentative or hesitant. Now this may simply be good politics at a National Conference, and particularly since Gilmore is clearly a more charismatic figure than Kenny amongst the electorate. Say nothing to afford Labour any stature. Give them nothing. But… at the same time don’t antagonise their supporters. A studied neutrality. And so that’s what we get.

And another man pushing the overall majority line was Frank Flannery, clearly out of the woods as distinct the error of his ways over musing about an FG/SF lash up. He made the eye watering assertion that on the current figures Fine Gael are the “only party that could get an overall majority now” – although he conceded they’d have to move their support up. Which, surely, means that they’re not the only party that could get an overall majority.

But again, all this is great stuff for the National Conference and no doubt leaves the troops delighted at the prospects for the future.

Soon enough it seems to me that Enda Kenny will be having to deal with a devolved administration in the North. And that administration will contain not merely SF Ministers, but a Deputy First Minister. But it would appear that the north truly is another country to Kenny, for that prospect appears to concern him not in the slightest (as an Examiner article in 2007 detailed, worth googling) – Army Council or not. You know, I’d almost think that an FG/whoever coalition would be worth it to see him at North South Ministerial Council meetings. Almost.

COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND POLITICAL STATEMENT – 22 March 2010 March 24, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, The Left.
9 comments

COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND

POLITICAL STATEMENT
22 March 2010

The National Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Ireland at its regular meeting 20th March, welcomed the devolution of policing and justice powers to the Northern Ireland Executive. The CPI acknowledges that this is an important step forward while rejecting the lack of transparency and political exclusion in reaching this agreement. It calls on all democratic forces to unite and to work for a strong Bill of Rights, one that is comprehensive in covering such areas as the right to work, to housing, to food, to education, to health, to full equality between women and men, and respect for language and cultural diversity. It must also recognise the right of women to have control over all aspects of reproduction, including abortion. It must have real teeth so as to outlaw all forms of discrimination based on gender, race, sexual orientation, or religion.

The party also restates its demand for the full transfer of fiscal powers to the Assembly and Executive. This is essential for developing the necessary economic and social policies that would begin to build an all-Ireland economic recovery strategy that is both sustainable and environmentally responsible. Such a strategy would allow for the maximum concentration of capital resources and investment priorities, which would begin the difficult but necessary process of overcoming the legacy of two failed political and economic entities.

The CPI acknowledges that while the country is experiencing a severe economic crisis, one resulting from the systemic cyclical nature of the capitalist system itself, the economic crisis has not yet translated into a political crisis for the system. The development of a strategy for building the necessary forces to mount a challenge to this system is the task before the 24th National Congress of our party later this year. Irish communists reiterate their long-held view that it is not the job of workers’ organisations to find solutions to the problems of the dominant economic and political forces in our country.

The CPI calls for the building of a fight back by workers throughout the country, which is necessary to counter the co-ordinated and intensifying attacks on workers’ rights, terms and conditions demanded and pursued by both the Irish and British governments and the European Union. The EU Commission is exploiting the crisis to further expand its domination and control over the economic policies of the member-states. This is reflected in its demanding more and deeper cuts and tighter controls on public spending, which will have most effect on workers, the unemployed, and poor families. This must be resisted by all means at our disposal.

Despite the many-sided attacks on working people by government and employers, workers have shown some signs of resistance and courage in the face of the barrage of hostile attacks from the establishment media. We again express our solidarity with those involved in struggle to defend themselves and point to the example of the Green Isle workers, the Aer Lingus cabin crew workers and public-service workers for their courage in standing up and defending themselves. These are small but hopeful signs of the potential for building resistance.

We Irish communists also express our full solidarity with the workers in British Airways as they engage in industrial action to defend themselves and their livelihoods.

The CPI calls on the trade union movement to develop its own alternative economic and social programme, one that reflects the needs of working people throughout the whole of Ireland. The trade union movement needs to grasp this central fact in order to develop a campaign for a different Ireland. It needs to begin a counter-offensive and to explain to workers that the Government and employers’ strategy is to ensure that the small elite clique—the Golden Circle—will remain in control, that the threatened cuts are intended to maintain the status quo, and that an unequal and unjust Ireland will not work.

The militant struggle of the Greek workers has shown that when workers have a clear alternative and consistent and militant leadership they will engage in the necessary actions.

No amount of appeals to the correctness or justice of one’s position or demands, or better “public relations,” will advance the interests of working people. The trade union movement’s alternative must be backed up, using its organised power to put workers’ issues on the top of the political agenda. Workers’ organisations need to have their own world view, their own economic and social priorities for a different Ireland. They need to be as clear in their alternative strategy and in fighting for it as the Government and the bosses are in pursuing their selfish interests.

The CPI acknowledges the recent statement by twenty-four economists and researchers that criticises the present economic and social strategy of the Government and that calls for a change of direction as an important contribution to building confidence among people about the possibility of an alternative direction for our country. Some of the ideas expressed are in line with our own publication An Economy for the Common Good, whose central thrust is a radical transformative strategy for the whole of the country. We again assert that the establishment of a state bank and a state development corporation, under democratic control, are the necessary building-blocks for beginning to overcome the consequences of the present crisis of the capitalist system.

No solution is to be found in retreating back into talks about the dead-end process of “social partnership.” That strategy has left the trade unions powerless and mere managers of Government policies.

Workers will win or advance little if disunited and prepared to see each other’s terms and conditions eroded. It is only the employers and their Government that can benefit. What is needed now is to rebuild the unity of all workers, to rebuild unity between public and private-sector workers.

The CPI once again calls on all left and progressive forces to unite to build the people’s fight back. Communists will play their part in helping to build the necessary forces for organising and mounting that resistance.

The continuing revelations about child abuse by a large number of Catholic clergy are an appalling indictment of the hierarchy of the Catholic Church. The CPI expresses its profound sympathy and solidarity with the many victims. The Catholic Church as an institution attempted over many decades, as a deliberate policy, to cover up this widespread abuse. The policy of covering up such crimes and bullying the victims was not the policy of the Irish Catholic hierarchy alone but was one instituted and enforced from the Vatican itself. We support the call by the many victims for the prosecution of all those responsible both for the abuse and for the cover-up.

The institutional Catholic Church was for many decades one of the central pillars of the political establishment in the South. It used its power to browbeat and bully the people, not only its own church members but anyone who challenged its authority or that of the political establishment. The institutional church was a central element of the political and ideological control over the people, using its tight control over education and its content as the means of achieving this. In addition, the establishment allowed the church to control whole swathes of social and cultural life and many social services.

The institutional church as a vehicle for the ideological conditioning of the people is now severely damaged. Pressure must now be built for the removal of the church from any control or say in education and for the establishment of a locally controlled and democratically accountable education system. We reiterate our call for the complete separation of church and state.

Thanks to the CPI for forwarding this…

Prizes for (almost) all! March 23, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics.
48 comments

Interesting to see that of the 9 strong Green Party Oireachtas group, now five will have sat in Government. And am I alone in finding this increased strength in the Oireachtas curious, indeed almost without equal in Irish political history. Has any small party benefited from the largesse of Taoisigh? Surely not. But count ‘em… 3 Senators nominated. And now, an extra Junior Minister.

This is a dangerous moment for the Green Party, and no, that’s not a reference to the Convention later this week. More that this Spring has seen their fortunes tied to those of Fianna Fáil in a way that even before Christmas, even including the Budget, even including Lisbon, even including NAMA, wasn’t quite as true. NAMA goes active. There’s a second Budget approaching and this one looks like it will be as bad as the previous one – indeed fascinating too to see that the EC is spinning on the government’s behalf as regards cuts. But with four Green Party TDs sitting in Ministerial and Junior Ministerial positions who can seriously refute the argument that they are now a fully paid up member of government and that their previous rather technocratic (or some would say evasive and self-deceiving) line that they were really just focused on their own areas of interest in specific Departments is history.

Whether the five GP TDs who have or are Ministers of one form or another comprise the TDs most likely to return in 2011 – or surely 2012, now that there are more GP feet under the cabinet table (okay not quite in terms of some of them, but… – is an intriguing question. I’d have thought that those positioned best would be Paul Gogarty who is not amongst the chosen, Mary White – on a good day, Eamon Ryan given that the brightest political star in a generation fizzled out in Dublin South with unusual speed, most plausibly Trevor Sargent and… er… that’s it folks.

So, three of those who sit at Cabinet. And as to the rest, hard workers no doubt, but Gormley faces profound issues in his back yard, Cuffe a hyper competitive constituency, and the Seanad members… hard to see how they can leverage, in the time available, their positions into electoral gold.

In a way there’s something a little reminiscent of Labour in the mid-1990s about all this. By entering government with Fianna Fáil it immediately alienated one bloc of its support. By subsequently exiting from that government and joining with Fine Gael it alienated another bloc. To antagonise one group off, bad, to antagonise two – well, for small parties very poison. And it’s fair to say that the sources of many transfers, the left, are unlikely to be quite so generous again.

Those transfers that helped so many GP TDs in at the end of counts… no more. And can anyone really, in the aftermath of the locals point to a credible alternative source of votes that could have replaced them? Those PDs have vanished like the mist… sure, some may be going to the GP, but not that many. Again at the locals residual PD support seems to have shifted to FG and – perhaps more evidently – to former PDs running under the ‘Independent’ label.

Actually that begs another intriguing question. How is it that in polls the GP retains 5% or so given the collapse in the vote for actual, y’know, candidates? Who are these people? One clear aspect of that is that the GP vote has, not unlike SF in a way, become more broadly spread throughout the country. But that has entailed a bleeding of support away from Dublin where, as ever, the action has been for much of their support.

And it’s that dual dynamic, one of increased strength in government and one of markedly reduced strength in elections and polling support which provides such a contrast. The calculation must be that the increased representation will operate, not merely for supporters and activists – the audience this weekend, but also more widely abroad amongst the electorate. How that quite adds up, given the unpopularity of this government, should provide us with some interesting months and even years ahead.

Fine Gael: “Go back to your constituencies and prepare for (single party) government…” March 23, 2010

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics.
14 comments

A good point in an Irish Times piece on the Fine Gael National Conference by Harry McGee. He writes that:

What the conference dispelled were any doubts over him leading the party into the next election. And in part, he can thank the ghost at the Killarney conference; for George Lee’s name was not uttered once publicly in Killarney.

Isn’t that something? That the man who was most likely to… do something… despite crashing and burning in the most public way possibly could, barely a couple of months later be not merely gone, but…

In February, Lee’s departure could have ended Kenny’s reign. But before the Government parties could make any capital of Fine Gael’s implosion, they themselves were hit by a series of small scandals and resignations that back-footed them. The Lee affair is now almost forgotten.

In a way it provides a testament to the reality that political life is indeed like supertankers, making their way through the water, huge masses that change direction only slowly and with great effort. An individual, no matter how brilliant, or well-known, can deflect them, but usually only marginally. And Lee, hobbled from the start as much by his own expectations as the constraints of the job he took, hasn’t even managed that.

His departure has seen no significant attrition of the FG vote. No ramifications. No aftermath. He’s just… gone.

Although… although, reading Enda Kenny’s speech I couldn’t help but notice the following:

…[Indeed,] in Richard Bruton I know I have the right man to run the Department of Finance at this critical time for this country.

So different from the other fella, good old whatsisname.

And the Conference itself? Well, as has been characteristic of this era of Fine Gael, hardly earthshaking. Quite the opposite. The shambles of the New Era document has done little to dissuade those antagonistic to the Kenny regime of the error of their ways. The list system of last weekend is no more. What we seem to have is a Dáil that will be twenty members smaller… what larks, and a Seanad that will be 100% smaller. This may excite some, but most of us will wonder what the fuss is about, and, as noted last week, ponder on how much of even this will survive a coalition deal with Labour.

Although Kenny was attempting to boost the notion of single party government. That seems unlikely to happen, they’ll be doing well if they lift themselves above 70 TDs. And surely, surely they don’t believe that themselves? Because there’s a fair way yet to run with the current shower.

That said it is interesting to see them veer sharply from the economic consensus… I mean to say, veer even more sharply rightwards. For them, as expressed by Richard Bruton:

“The Government’s plans to take €3 billion out of the economy in 2011, mostly by cutting investment and raising taxes, is the wrong course. It will destroy many jobs and further damage competitiveness.
“Ireland would be better with a reforming budget that takes €2 billion out of the cost of running Government in 2011, €1 billion more than Minister Lenihan is proposing, and sets out a clear path for even greater cost-savings in future years but which avoids further cuts in investment or net tax increases.

Hmmm… so, let’s get this straight, ‘reform’ would see us eschew tax increases and cut further current expenditure? Well, I’m not sure how that’s going to fly. And although the Irish Time editorial is dubious about this from a more right of centre perspective…

Likewise, Fine Gael’s ambitious plans for economic regeneration raise some questions of affordability, at a time when the public finances are the big issue of the day. Much of what Fine Gael has proposed will be welcomed, but the party now needs to convince a sceptical public that its proposals can be financed without further borrowing.

…I’m curious as to what the cuts will be focused on. One thing we do know is that to fund a ‘stimulus’ we could be waving farewell to state assets. Kenny himself said as much at the weekend.

This money will be raised from private equity, sale of State assets and investment from the European Investment Bank.

Although the jobs themselves have a familiar ring to them… I can’t help thinking that this list following has been delivered to us from a different source…A greener source.

These jobs will be in renewable energy, water quality and broadband. They will be delivered within Fine Gael’s first term in government and they will provide real opportunities for all people no matter what their age, and no matter what their trade or qualification.

But to be honest, what I find most interesting is his list of priorities…

That’s why, tonight, it’s important that each and every one of you know that my Fine Gael team has a clear plan to get us out of our current crisis of confidence.
THAT PLAN starts from five realities.
That we should never have ended up in this dire situation.
That Ireland’s downturn is more severe than other countries as a direct result of Fianna Fáil’s total failure to plan for the inevitable and for the future.
That international factors are compounding domestic mismanagement.
That Fianna Fáil has turned a manageable problem into a serious crisis.
And that whether it be in banking or politics, the people who got us into this mess will not be, and can not be, the ones to lead us out of it.
If we are going to turn this country around, we need real change. Our plan for that change is based on three pillars: 1. Getting our people back to work; 2. Revolutionising the health service; and 3. Reforming our political system.

That’s it? Those are the three pillars? It’s not that they aren’t in themselves important, but… there’s something a little detached from each other about them all. Reform of the political system is important, no doubt there at all. But somehow that doesn’t particularly seem to gel with health service ‘revolutions’ or dealing with unemployment. Or perhaps it is that there seems no overarching theme that links them together or particular ideological strand that runs through them. Now, for many of us coming from parties with specific ideologies, that’s a problem… but I also think that it’s a problem for Fine Gael.

This seems to be a technocratic approach, that on paper is fine, but in practice? Well, I compare and contrast with Gerry Adams speech a fortnight or so ago, which while no great shakes at least had the concept of the ‘Republic’, however amorphous and inchoate that might be, running through it. By contrast Fine Gael gives us three concepts to chew upon, and subsidiary aspects of each. There’s the New Politics… that’s the one dealing with political change. Then there’s NewERA, that’s the job creation strategy. And then we have health service reform, but no snappy tag or neologism there to assist us. So that’s not ‘New’, at least not in this conceptual stew.

And there’s no ‘New’ anything sitting above them and encompassing them. Perhaps, at one stage, there was a ‘New Republic’ term or something similar used and perhaps the SF Ard Fhéis, or the Irish Times series of articles last week, put paid to that. Or perhaps the decision was taken to use ‘Fine Gael’, mentioned so many times as to become utterly repetitive throughout the speech, and often with the word ‘government’ close at hand, just so we know. Or perhaps Kenny is entirely sincere when he argues that… ‘This country is finished with slogans and repeated photo opportunities.’

Except for the NewERA, and New Politics. Those terms/slogans, they’re clearly okay.

None of this is to say that the ideas are awful, but neither is it to suggest that they’re great. And maybe that’s the point. He may use the word ‘revolution’ in relation to healthcare, but we know that’s not going to happen, at least not in any fundamentally revolutionary fashion. He may talk about stimulus, but it’s not going to be a social democratic stimulus. He may indeed talk about a new sort of politics. But, fingers crossed – on his part, that would sit at the far side of a negotiated programme for government with Labour and a referendum. So no reason to panic yet (and by the by, entertaining to read that ‘Fine Gael is the party that set up the institutions of this State’… It’s not entirely incorrect but neither is it entirely correct)

And even where the language goes up a bit in pitch… well…

And now they want further sacrifices from taxpayers and mortgage borrowers. Unless there is a change of government, the banks will get what they want. There is no limit to what Fianna Fáil will do to protect their powerful friends. Did the Taoiseach not say . . . that whatever cheque is required will be written? Cheques written by Fianna Fáil come out of your pocket.
Fine Gael has a fundamentally different approach. Firstly, we won’t borrow further billions to bail out Anglo Irish Bank. We will use that money to start a new State National Recovery Bank. It will get credit flowing quickly to protect jobs and support business.
And secondly, there will be no whitewash. The current secrecy will not be tolerated. We will carry out a rigorous and open investigation to find out exactly why the banking scandal happened. We will hold people responsible, even if they are Ministers. We will open the books.
THERE MUST be a clear message to bankers. They will never be allowed to destroy our economy and our country again. Those who broke the law in pursuit of greed and reckless lending must face the consequences and, if the courts decide, they must be sent to jail.

Who… though, is seriously arguing otherwise at this point? And I seem to recall the ICC and ACC, both semi-state entities not so long ago, before they were privatised (natch!), fulfilled the function of this ‘new’ State National Recovery Bank. Which again, is not to say it’s a bad idea, it certainly isn’t. But to suggest that nothing terribly radical is being proposed, and if for some it seems like it is they either don’t remember our history, or that the sociopolitical dial has now been wedged so far right of centre that we’re truly in bad trouble.

In fact, there’s something a tad pro forma about all this. We’re a year or more out from an election. Fianna Fáil aren’t going anywhere soon, but neither are Fine Gael. They can afford to play the odd populist card. So why not? Say nothing that will rock the boat and lose some percentiles of the support already gained. And I wouldn’t blame FG or Kenny in the slightest for taking that approach.

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