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Mixing pop and politics …. August 24, 2011

Posted by irishelectionliterature in British Politics.
3 comments

A decent piece of writing by Billy Bragg about the recent riots in England
Why music needs to get political again

Labour and the ‘totemic gesture’… August 24, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
4 comments

A depressing Back Room column in the Sunday Business Post this weekend. Depressing not so much because it lauded Enda Kenny who is in the happy position of presenting himself as ‘the optimistic face of the government, while ministerial colleagues have to find nearly four billion in savings and new taxes and face the wrath of countless vested interest groups queuing up for the comprehensive spending review whingefest’.

Actually that is pretty depressing if one parses that rhetoric right there at the end of the sentence. That spending review will see cuts in addition to those already imposed across the last three years of a cumulative severity that the idea that to critique them is somehow a ‘whingefest’ suggests that the author is very well insulated from the reality of what is actually going on.

But for me there was another paragraph in it which summed up much that is wrong with our political discourse and system in this state.

Eamonn Gilmore has to make the odd noise about eh need for cuts, given that his party occupies the main front-line cutting departments – but he would gladly join the Taoiseach in happy town [as an aside, wouldn't it be great if the reason the LP had taken those departments was in order to minimize or reverse such cuts - yep, that would be great]. However, the Tanaiste will need to assert Labour’s influence in government in the next Budget. The Re Rose backroom boys will be working hard between now and December to come up with a totemic gesture that gives Labour a figleaf to protect them from Sinn Féin and the left-leaning Independents during the long winter nights’.

A ‘totemic’ gesture? Three thoughts come to mind. Firstly this isn’t what left politics should be about [albeit in fairness to the LP it is the SBP columnist who ascribes this to them], if anything it should be about process, not events, not totems. Particularly neither of those in the context of the economic situation we now find ourselves in.

Secondly, isn’t this typical of an analysis beyond the left, but one which is characteristic of how Irish politics is conducted, where again it’s not about the actual process but about perception. No one would deny that perception is important, but in the face of the swinging cuts experienced, and if we are to believe the three year outline to be offered us in September of the course of the next three Budgets the swinging cuts to come, it seems so… minimal.

Thirdly, even taking it on its own terms I find it difficult to see how in light of those aforementioned swinging cuts Labour could shape a totemic gesture that would suffice.

Well, other than withdrawal from government.

Driving Through Dublin – Circa 1982 August 24, 2011

Posted by irishelectionliterature in Uncategorized.
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Thought this might bring back a few memories. Starting off at Dun Laoghaire, then into town via the Rock Road. A stop in Grafton Street and home again.

Limerick City and County, Kildare, Kerry and Donegal Local Election Results August 24, 2011

Posted by irishelectionliterature in Irish Election Literature Blog.
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Continuing on from a previous post with old Local Election Results ….    Yet more old Local Election Results.
This time Limerick City and County, Kildare, Kerry and Donegal County Councils.

For the Left Limerick City is probably of most interest. We see the performance of the Democratic Socialist Party in 1985 winning 3 seats on Limerick Corporation (one of them, Tim O’Driscoll actually joined the PDs and stood for them in 1991).
1979 sees Pat Cox polling 397 votes for Fianna Fail.
There’s lots more besides in the various results.
These are excel spreadsheets

Limerick City Council Election Results 1960 to 2009

Limerick County Council Election Results 1960 to 2009

Kerry County Council 1960 to 2009

Kildare county Council 1925-34, 1960-2009

Donegal County Council 1955 to 2009

Fianna Fail running scared of the Irish electorate August 23, 2011

Posted by irishelectionliterature in Fianna Fáil.
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41 comments

So there we have it, Brian Crowley will not seek the Fianna Fail Nomination for the Presidency

Mr Crowley said he would not be seeking the nomination because the party leadership made it clear it did not see an internal Fianna Fáil candidate as the way forward.

Mr Crowley described the decision as a mistake and said he believed Fianna Fáil should be running an internal party candidate.

So it looks as if Michael Martin and others at the top of Fianna Fail are running scared of the Irish electorate, much to the dismay and anger of many within Fianna Fail.
Are they so broke? Are they so afraid of a trouncing?
Needless to say I wouldn’t have voted for him, but Crowley has an image of being a decent enough individual, probably the most presentable face of Fianna Fail nationally. He may not have won, but he would I suspect have on the day polled over 20% which given their current circumstances would have been a boost for Fianna Fail.
He may even have outpolled Gay Mitchell, which would certainly been a shot in the arm for Fianna Fail.

On his Facebook page earlier Senator Marc McSharry wrote

Very sorry to hear MEP Bryan Crowley has ruled himself out of Presidential election as FF nominee. His participation in the presidential race would have given our party a real bounce in my view. Support of a quasi celebrity will not serve Ireland or our party well

Amongst the Responses …

Im so annoyed Marc we need to let the people know and see that FF are alive and well and not going anywhere and will be around for along time to come.instead of worrying about finances my god its a disgrace.

Bryan could have been a great candidate for us, Longest serving MEP, impeccable record out there and could weather the legacy stuff better than most. a genuinely inspirational guy with a great story to tell and a person in my view that once a campaign got underway would put in a performance that at the very least would give us a very credible performance.

.. why cant our leader see this..? its unbelievable its like he is trying to make an xfactor competition out of the campaign for president.

Brian Crowley would have been an excellent candidate and one who could have transcended even party allegiances…what future has our party without running a candidate in an election we have always had one? Mary Hanafin or Brian Crowley would be excellent candidates, and yet the leadership insists on looking at crazy outside ones like Gay Byrne that ff members wouldn’t even vote for. Serious disconnect with grassroots on this issue.

Brian Crowley was left with no option but to rule himself out, as our leader had already done that! Madness, Brian was the best chance we had of shout at the Aras. The man is an inspiration, can hold an entire room with a few words, as you say he has an impeccable record, and no tarnish form the cabinet table… Why can’t MM see this? As I said in other pages, who will we go for next Bosco?

You’d wonder if Michael Martin realised what a hornets nest he was opening when he had that chat with Gay Byrne?

5 Years ago this month on the CLR: We’ll have any United Left, as long as it’s ours! August 23, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in 5 Years ago this week on the CLR, Irish Politics.
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Ha, for evidence of my lack of political predictive powers let me point you to exhibit A. And the tone, sub-sarcastic. Okay, granted that was then and this is now, but it’s amazing to see how much the political environment has changed in five short/long years. Fianna Fáil decimated, the Green Party no longer represented nationally, and barely at all locally, and a variegated opposition which is considerably larger than I had envisaged when I wrote that, though God knows I wasn’t wrong about an United Left that encompassed almost all formations on the Marxist left – pulling together the SP and SWP as the leading components of the ULA was clever, narrowing the scope for dissent to more or less manageable proportions.

Mind you, here’s another from the same month, August 2006, which I linked to retrospectively a few years ago but I’ll do again simply because the topic is so much craic… and it’s it’s at the intersection between science, pseudo-science and rationality [and it's obverse], all things I love dearly.

“Irish Republican Congress” by George Gilmore  August 23, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Left Online Document Archive, The Left.
11 comments

Just a quick note from Jim Lane to mention that on foot of the Left Archive post here

The Republican Congress book by Patrick Byrne, in it’s first  contributed comment by C.Flower, has mention of the coming appearance of a download of the Cork Workers’ Club edition of “Irish Republican Congress” by George Gilmore with an 1978 introduction that he did for CWC at the time.

I would like to bring to the attention of anyone interested, that this book is still available and can be had from CWC Publications, c/o 79, Earlwood Estate, Togher Road, Cork City for the sum of € 6.00 . Only a limited amount of copies are available.

Waters and unemployment… August 23, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
6 comments

There’s an awful lot to find fault with in John Waters latest hand-wringing piece on equality and other matters in the Irish Times.

Flowery language? Check. Passivity in relation to actually doing anything? Check. Consequent deafeatism/scorn in terms of the utility of attempting to do anything? You bet.

His particular brand of passivity when it comes to socio-economic matters is wearing thin on me – as is his implicit line that because absolute equality is impossible to achieve therefore there’s no point in trying. For a taste of that consider the following:

Moreover, experience suggests that any attempt to intervene in the way human beings distribute and exchange resources is doomed merely to manipulate the shapes of inequality rather than to cure the problem.

Really? Let’s put aside the chequered outcomes of the most extravagant attempts to engage with inequality – which have little or no currency in Ireland given its history and location being a Western European state, and let’s ask whether globally there isn’t clear evidence of more rather than less positive outcomes, for example in those European societies which have cleaved more to traditional social democratic outcomes as distinct from those which have abandoned such approaches or never tried them in the first place?

His latest twist is about social envy…

Thus, there will always be a “bottom”, and always the potential for those deposited there to make unhelpful and unhealthy comparisons between themselves and those “higher up”.

Ah yes, ‘unhelpful’ comparisons.

Bu more pertinently consider this:

This week, a UCD survey of unemployed people [The Experience of Unemployment in Ireland: A Thematic Analysis - Liam Delaney, Michael Egan, Nicola O'Connell, available online] painted a deeply dismaying picture of the condition imposed by dependence on State handouts. A majority of those surveyed described their experiences as degrading and lamented the absence of incentives to come off State benefits and take up part-time or low-paid work. Thus, in the name of helping people, the State succeeds mainly in dehumanising them. Perhaps, then, the issue we need to focus on is our cultural tendency to link social status with material aspiration in a way that provokes envy rather than ambition?

What’s telling about this analysis is the way Waters phrases this. It’s not that people become unemployed and therefore depend upon State provision, it is a ‘condition imposed by dependence on State handouts’. That’s a subtle yet distinct shifting of the casual relationship and one that places a particular weight upon the term ‘dependence’, a loaded term in these discussions and one used generally as a stick to beat state provision with, and indeed the State.

Then he argues that there’s insufficient incentives to return to work [though he neatly avoids describing what they might be, and probably he's being sensible there in that given that we're now experiencing 14% unemployment, and whether they would be positive or negative for those on benefit] and then on to the phrase ‘in the name of helping people, the State succeeds in dehumanizing them’. And finally almost a non sequitur in terms of ‘envy and ambition’ whose relevance to the preceding lines is entirely unclear.

Granted for those of us who have signed on anytime over the last decade or are still signing on reading the report brings a shudder of recognition, grimy social welfare offices, passive aggressive welfare officers, ludicrous ‘training’ schemes and so on. Some of the quotes from the report are dismal:

3.13.1 Chaotic Environments
Participants uniformly described social welfare offices as chaotic and unpleasant environments. The layout of the office was difficult to understand and it often took two or three visits before participants knew the ergonomics of the office. One participant described how frustration brewed in these environments, “People getting thick with each other because you’ve jumped the queue and you mightn’t necessarily even mean to jump the queue because you don’t know where you are”. One participant suggested that there should be a guide in every office who can show people how the office functions. One case was described where a new office had been built but was not opened and locals had to commute long distances to sign on, “It’s a mess altogether”. They also found that after queuing they were told they were in the wrong building. One participant suggested that radio ads be used to advertise changes of venues, “like we listen to the radio as well”.

And this which is appalling:

Related to this feeling of being dehumanised, there was a feeling that social welfare officers did not know how to properly communicate. One participant described how he felt bullied when a welfare officer told him to sell his house, “She said to me, “Well you just have to. Those days are gone, you just have to sell the house, that’s it.” And she was just so ruthless, she didn’t even look in my face.”

Perhaps that’s an outlier, then what of these more commonplace oppressions?

Another participant described getting social welfare as traumatic, “There was about 100 people in front of me and 100 people behind me and by the time I got to the counter I was practically abused by the person behind the counter and it’s just embarrassing and it’s horrible…they don’t make it easy and that’s not very helpful when you’re not working. It doesn’t have to be that hard”. One participant explained a bad experience at the welfare office, “I was just another one at the end of a very long line of people…you’re just a statistic, a number”.
Participants felt they should all be treated with respect, “like we’re all human”. Another participant felt, “People who have worked all their lives are being reduced to the level of beggars, you know, we’re back to the Victorian idea of the deserving poor being looked after by the ladies”.

But… and here’s the problem Waters does not and perhaps cannot address and it’s something those working in social welfare should note… there aren’t jobs there. Those people quoted in the report didn’t trip into unemployment as a ‘lifestyle choice’. They’re not there by accident either. The vast majority are there because jobs aren’t available or were done away with. And reading it it is clear that the vast majority want to work, want indeed to move away from being dependent upon welfare [and even if they didn't there still would not be jobs there for them].

As the conclusion to the Report notes:

While the majority of the participants interviewed expressed a strong desire to return to employment as quickly as possible, many were resigned to the notion that unemployment would continue for a number of years.

All that makes the thesis Waters presents perhaps a lot less convincing, but there is one point he makes that is entirely incorrect:

A majority of those surveyed described their experiences as degrading and lamented the absence of incentives to come off State benefits and take up part-time or low-paid work.

That he says this further makes me wonder if he has actually read the report in detail. What those who are quoted actually say is in relation to part-time or low-paid work:

This was summed up by one participant who noted, “if you have a mortgage, that type of money is no use to you. You have to pay the bills and that, especially only 20 hours a week. Anyone here wants to get out working full-time”.

And the reports authors argue:

The proliferation of part-time work is also a hindrance for those trying to re-enter the job market, one participant was offered a job which had 4 hours a week, “like the experience and all was good, but I was never actually going to make anything out of the place”.

In other words low-paid or part-time work are of little or no use for many of those on welfare for basic functional reasons in that they seem like traps where future incomes will be low and impossible to sustain and none of those interviewed, as far as I can see, argued that it was a lack of incentives that prevented them taking that sort of work up.

And moreover, many of the correspondents suggest companies are using the unemployed as cheap labour in workplace programs and that wage levels are so low that in some instances it makes no sense to abandon welfare – and why would it? A part-time or low-paid job can’t measure up to a medium paid job that’s been lost. Financially the former is not a substitute for the latter. And there may be good sense in remaining unemployed and using that as a base to get back into the workforce rather than getting locked into a low paid, labour intensive job where the opportunities to break out of it are more limited [I remember being in London in the early 1990s working in one job and simply unable to get to interviews because I couldn’t get time off – I needed the money so it became an issue of definitely losing money, and goodwill such as there was with my employer for only the .

But fundamentally those who are quoted in the report are all too aware that the reason they are unemployed is that they cannot find jobs:

Participants expressed concern that it would be many years before there is an economic recovery, “I don’t think the economy will recover in time”. Participants were pessimistic about Ireland’s economic future: “there is no production of goods that are really specific to this country, or any special knowledge, maybe financial services, but it’s not really sustainable”. The fear that the economy will take many decades to recover was expressed in nearly every focus group. There was also a feeling that too much of Ireland’s economy was sustained by US multinationals who showed no hesitancy in leaving the country to employ people at lower wages elsewhere. This was described by one participant as “frightening”.

And:

A number of the participants expressed very little hope that they would find employment soon, “Things aren’t progressing and things aren’t looking any better so as far as I’m concerned the recession is still fucking full on. People are still losing their jobs, left, right and centre. No one is finding it any easier to get back into the working situation so I can’t see 6 months from now it changing. 6 months from now, there’s going to be another 750 people out of work. They’re all qualified. I wouldn’t have their qualifications”. Another participant felt that he would not be able to pay his mortgage in the future, “At the end of the year, my mortgage won’t be paid any more and money will start to drain so you feel under pressure, there’s always that worry in the back of your head”.

Indeed another indication that he didn’t read the report that closely is that, for example there are some snippets that demonstrate that for all his complaints about welfare it provides a life buoy in the waters of unemployment… and that there are problems as to its implementation or lack of same…

Many felt that a lack of funds meant it was difficult for them to plan ahead and that not knowing what will happen when Job Seekers Allowance ends was anxiety-inducing, “I don’t ask any questions. They haven’t asked me any…but like that will end fairly soon and I don’t know what the hell I’m going to do then”.

And, naturally:

Government social welfare policies were regarded as mean-spirited such as the cutting of the Christmas bonus, “They cut the few shillings and the bonus and you have the Government shoving money into the banks…like the rest of us don’t get big handshakes”. A similar sentiment was expressed by another participant, “You’ve no income coming in and then with the Government, they’re cutting, they’re slashing people left right and centre about this and that is totally wrong. Like there is people there that want to get out and work there”. Another participant expressed anger at corporations like the ESB and banks who charge high interest rates, “It seems that on a corporate level, there should be more understanding. But there isn’t. For the poor basically, there isn’t any”. Participants felt anger at those who worked in social welfare offices, “These people are lucky to be in a job and they’re dealing with the public, day in and day out”.

And it’s worth noting that the ‘dependence’ Waters mentions is a very complex thing indeed. People who are unemployed do indeed ‘depend’ upon the state because there’s no one else, and certainly not the private sector, who is going to pick up the pieces:

A number of participants felt that the social welfare they receive of 196 Euro a week is not enough, “It’s atrocious that you can’t survive on that. If I was to break down 196 and pay a bit of your gas bill, a bit of your ESB bill and then pay a little bit of the mortgage, you just can’t survive”. Participants found that there was simply not enough to get by on: “There’s nothing left at the end of the week…the mortgage takes most of it. What’s left then has to be spread across all the bills. Give a bit for everyone.” One participant felt that “when your money gets reduced, it means that you can’t put three into two. It can’t be done and that puts pressures on you at home as well because you have more time hanging around thinking these things…but money is the main problem”. A number of participants, over the age of 25, had moved back in with their parents to cope financially.

Indeed he simply can’t see that there are two problems here and one is vastly more amenable to change than the other. The main one is that capitalism at this point cannot deliver employment – and indeed the situation is now, obviously, appreciably worse than at any other time in the last 20 years or more given unemployment rates. Secondly that there are problems with the welfare system across a range of metrics. But the latter is much much easier to deal with than the former – even by his lights.

But note that for Waters rather than ameliorating the problem by looking at job creation and simultaneously improving the nature of the interactions between citizen and state agencies in regard to unemployment – a task that would be, from the report findings remarkably easy amounting to directing state employees to treat those they provide services for in a more courteous manner and redesigning social welfare systems and offices, and more broadly putting real heft into job creation programmes – he drifts as ever into nebulous nonsense… ‘focus on our cultural tendency…. envy rather than ambition’.

And he continues:

This insight does not render the problem more amenable, but it certainly changes the argument, implying that what is necessary is a change of cultural values to reduce the significance our culture attributes to particular forms of achievement and the rewards that accompany these.

Ah, so it’s in ourselves and if we can only learn to look at the world anew then all will be fine. A sort of sub-hippy line writ large.

That that is SFA use to someone actually signing on is, of course, lost entirely.

One last thing he might consider… Section 3.3 Media:

3.3.1 Political Commentary
There was quite a large degree of variety in people’s reported consumption of the media. Many of those same people described how they tried to avoid commentary and news based media.

Wage freezes… August 22, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Media and Journalism.
2 comments

…Interesting heading on a piece in the Irish Times today:

And then one reads the details:

Employees in the majority of small businesses continue to face a pay freeze with the trend set to continue next year, a survey claims.

The Small Firms Association (SFA) study found wage increases were only being given to reward productivity and innovation.

To be clear this isn’t the SFA’s fault as far as can be seen[I can't find the press release on their website], but the headline appears to be just a little misleading.

I haven’t time now to go digging through the stats to look at pay freezes more generally. I will though.

Left Archive: The Irish Republican Congress Revisted – Patrick Byrne (former Joint Secretary with Frank Ryan), Connolly Association, 1993 August 22, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Connolly Association, Irish Left Online Document Archive, Republican Congress.
4 comments

To download the above document please click on following link: IR REP CONG 94

Many thanks to NollaigO for donating this document to the Archive.

This document was printed in 1993 by the Connolly Association, however it appears it was originally printed in 1986 as a preface from C. Desmond Greaves makes clear. As Nora Harkin writes in the Foreword:

At a meeting on 27th February, 1993, in the County Museum Letterkenny, to mark the centenary of the birth of Peadar O’Donnell, the Chairman, Kevin Monaghan, reminded the large gathering that as two of the speakers (I was one) had been lifelong friends and comrades with pear in the good cause, the time was opportune to obtain information from them about him because in a few more years they mightn’t be around.

She continues:

The story that Paddy Byrne, the other ancient speaker, has to tell in this pamphlet on the Republican Congress (1933-39) will provide an answer to many questions bearing on this period of Peadar’s long life. There is little printed material on this phase of Socialism in Ireland. Modern historians and revisionists are given to dismissing it as a putsch arising from a split in the IRA caused by Peadar O’Donnell, George Gilmore, Frank Ryan and Michael Price, which collapsed after the Convention in Rathmines Town Hall in September 1934. This version is however at variance with the facts, nor was the leadership confined to four well-known names in the Republican hierarchy.

And concludes:

This pamphlet deserves a place in Irish social history and should be seen, not just as a milestone on the road to a Socialist Republic, but as a signpost for Young Ireland, showing the way to the future.

As C. Desmond Greaves notes in his preface:

[Patrick Byrne's apology is hardly necessary. [His] memory is as clear as a bell. His account is as authentic as any of the printed sources and more so than most.

Byrne was a member of the Connolly Association, and as Greaves notes ‘the Connolly Association began its existence as the London Branch of the Republic Congress’.

The text by Byrne offers an interesting insight into his perception of the genesis and development of the Republican Congress. The issue of a ‘reborn Irish Citizen Army’ is particularly intriguing as is its outcome and the obvious similarities with later debates about militarism in the context of revolutionary social organizations. Perhaps most notable though is the consciousness of fascism [and 'clerical reaction'] in an Irish context and how this fed into response by Republican socialists later in the 1930s to the Spanish Civil War.

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