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More on the Presidential Campaign… September 21, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, The Left.
157 comments

I was thinking today how odd it is that the only two potential candidates at the Presidential Election that I have much sympathy for are in some respects profoundly different, so much so that one is supported by Eoghan Harris and the other – well – clearly isn’t. But there’s no end of danger in positioning ones political choices in relation to where Harris stands, given that he’s spent a lifetime stepping hither and yon, so that in itself isn’t a reason to support or not support someone.

I guess, from my perspective David Norris and Martin McGuinness are – for different reasons – the two most clearly oppositional candidates even if they are fundamentally flawed in respect of that opposition. In fact in that respect they’re curiously alike. Norris has with considerable personal courage spent a lifetime championing rights in a society that wasn’t merely dismissive of those rights but often actively hostile on both the personal and political level. Yet Norris is also locked by virtue of background and position into an Irish establishment and his oppositional aspects aren’t likely to ruffle that establishment overly much, particularly these days.

McGuinness similarly has been oppositional in the sense that he represents a republican and social radical [to varying degrees] impulse which has waxed and waned throughout the society across the 20th century and before and used various vehicles to express itself. But this is an oppositional aspect which has been been focused on the national rather than class, albeit it has often operated as a proxy for class depending on context. The disparity between SF in the North and South is only the most notable current manifestation of this.

So both are flawed and for many the choice they offer from the rest, Davis, Gallagher, Higgins and Mitchell, is no choice at all. though I’ve never seen an election I didn’t want to vote in. No doubt there will be further arguments around these issues in the weeks ahead.

One presumes that McGuinness won’t let the Joe Duffy radio show ‘flash vote’ go to his head, but it might indicate that he’ll do better than expected overall.

And meanwhile the chances of Norris being on the ballot paper recede and this, I think, is a pity. I just can’t work out how he could get the numbers now.

The Irish Times puts it this way:

Last night Mr Norris had the backing of 11 Oireachtas members but was unable to get public commitments from the remaining 16 Independents.

Except he doesn’t really.

Of the 19 Independent TD’s votes in play [excluding Denis Naughten, latterly of FG] four are already taken by McGuinness – those being McGrath, Ming, JHR and Fleming. Mattie McGrath, somewhat quixotically, is supporting Dana – which is a bit like doing something of no import simply to look as if something is being done. That leaves 14. We can, I think it is fair to say, assume neither Noel Grealish or Michael Lowry are hugely keen to support Norris. That leaves 12. So far of those 12, as the Irish Times notes:

Eight TDs are committed to supporting Mr Norris’s nomination. They are: Joe Higgins, Clare Daly, Richard Boyd Barrett and Joan Collins from the United Left Alliance, along with Catherine Murphy, Stephen Donnelly, Mick Wallace and Maureen O’Sullivan.

Some interesting omissions there. Where is the other ULA TD? What about Shane Ross? John Halligan? Thomas Pringle?
Anyhow, that means he’s dependent upon the Seanad. There are two groups of Independents in the Seanad, one based around the University elections, of five and one around the Taoiseach’s nominees of 6. Of that 11 he so far….

…can also rely on four nominations from the Seanad with NUI Senators John Crown and Seán Barrett from Trinity College, and Senator Katherine Zappone adding to his own vote.

If he only was supported by the 8 TDs and 4 Senators he currently has then he can’t do it, or rather he’d need to get all the other Senators on his side. And it seems to me, given the complexion of the two groups it’s almost impossible that he might, for the sake of example, get Ronan Mullen to support him, Feargal Quinn, or one or two of the more clearly FG inclined Independent Senators – at least in respect of the latter at this stage.

Perhaps they’ll all surprise us. Perhaps not. Perhaps it’s unkind to suggest that Finian McGrath found nominating McGuinness a means of slicing through this particular Gordian knot.

Perhaps he’ll pull four councils out of the bag, and there’s some rumblings to that effect, but that’s a long shot. Then again, this has already been a remarkable contest and highly unpredictable.

Meanwhile rumor has it that Dana is going to withdraw from the race. Shortest candidacy on record in a Presidential contest? We’ll see.

Wiping Clean the Anglo/INBS Debt Slate – Tom McDonnell, Michael Burke and Michael Taft on Progressive Economy September 21, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
16 comments

I’m bumping this to stimulate further debate…

This is an important post, one which seeks to chart a way forward out of the current crisis.

Discussion on Sóivéidí na hÉireann – rebooted. September 21, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in History, Irish History, The Left.
2 comments

As promised last week here’s a reboot of the discussion on the meaning and legacy of the ‘soviets’ that manifested themselves during the War of Independence. It’s been an good discussion to date with many interesting points put forward discussed, disputed and and defended by everyone involved.

Just to recap, this discussion revolves around a number of issues, the nature of the ‘soviets’, their extent, the issue of revolutionary potential, the relationship between the labour and republican movements, the cleavages with republicanism and within labour, the nature of leadership of the labour movement, issues as regards land agitation and so on.

The latest poll from the Sunday Independent… September 21, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, The Left.
3 comments

I guess I’d better write about the latest Millward Brown Landsdowne poll which appeared in the Sunday Independent at the weekend. Why? Because it’s there…

It’s an interesting poll, not least because it differs significantly from the last poll, run earlier in the Summer, but also because it allows the Sunday Independent to present a mad thesis as to how Fianna Fáil might recover lost ground… Here are the headline figures.

The MBL poll has Fine Gael on 40 per cent [up four since the General Election], Labour on 20 [up 1], Sinn Féin on 11 [up 2], Fianna Fáil on 10 [down 7], Independents and ULA collectively [sheesh!] – on 17, up 2, the Green Party [sheesh squared!] on 2 per cent.

As the Irish Times noted:

When the poll numbers are broken down by region, they make for even more alarming reading for Fianna Fail as they show that its support in Dublin has all but collapsed.
Just 5 per cent of people in the capital now say they support the party, a number which indicates that it has no chance of retaining its solitary capital seat in the Dublin West by-election which has been caused by the death of Brian Lenihan earlier this year.

This is dreadful news for Fianna Fáil. At this rate their chances of a slight return, let alone a resurgence are minimal. As was noted elsewhere, even a massive swing to them might only garner a doubling of their votes, from 19 to… well… an hardly stupendous 40 or so. And that indicates that for a true return they’d have to do significantly better again. Given the volatility of the past four years that’s not absolutely beyond question, but it’s not very likely.

The figures for Dublin are crucial. 5 per cent is a figure that pushes them down to the bottom of the voting table. On this evidence they have little or no chance of retaking more than an handful of seats in the capital if even. Adrian Kavanagh on political reform.ie argues that on his modeling there won’t be a seat in the capital for them at the next election and worse, they could drop to four seats [hence Kavanagh's not necessarily tongue in cheek 'Taxi for Fianna Fáil' heading]. Whatever way one cuts it this is stunning stuff. We’ve never seen Fianna Fáil in such straits before.

Mind you what’s interesting about Kavanagh’s analysis is that he doesn’t necessarily gift Sinn Féin with a massive seat bonus due to this annihilation of FF. Indeed he only sees them gaining a couple of seats, in Cavan-Monaghan and Louth [where SF would hold 2 seats] and intriguingly he sees support increasing significantly for FG putting it within touching distance of a majority, for Labour and Others – up to 22 [from which could with little doubt be cobbled together a coalition with FG - Deputy Ross, your time has come!].

No room for the Green Party at the inn though.
Okay, all this is an extrapolation of the current poll and given that the likelihood of an election today or tomorrow is vanishingly small perhaps it is wiser to simply examine the broader dynamics rather than trying to predict outcomes when events both near and far will shape the context of any future election in predictable and unpredictable ways. Let’s not forget too that the announcement of a serious contender as SF candidate for the Presidency is liable to have an halo effect on that party’s opportunities – note for example the effect that the Pearse Doherty by-election win [and legal case directly before that] had on boosting the SF vote up to the mid-teens in and across the Christmas period, and although that fell back to 9 per cent or so its residual value in reworking aspects of the SF image is unquestionable.

And as with SF so with all other parties to some degree.
Fine Gael and Labour are about to enter a zone of withering political fire as they first announce their plans for the next three years, and secondly have to start implementing those plans. With their fingerprints more prominently over them the space to duck away from responsibility will become increasingly smaller.

The Independents and ULA may be picking up steam simply because they’re the only other alternative apart from Sinn Féin to the current orthodoxy. That’s self-evident, but what may be slightly less so is that as the FF vote diminishes yet further it is splitting across the spectrum but with the SF and the INDS/ULA gaining slightly less cumulatively than FG and Labour [4 per cent as against 5 per cent]. That shouldn’t be a surprise. The FF vote was fairly conservative to begin with, that it would nudge up against FG makes sense – though it yet again indicates the catastrophic decline of FF.

The reasonable point was made recently that there’s insufficient analysis of the ULA’s fortunes in all this, but it’s impossible to detach them from the Independents. If I were to hazard a guess I’d suggest that the activism of the ULA on the ground in some parts across the Summer has done them little harm, though Kavanagh doesn’t see them holding Dun Laoghaire – which seems, unfortunately, sensible given that the Ceann Comhairle will be returned automatically there. But then again, who knows? Four and a half years is a long time and the electoral context, as well as the math may change there as well.

Anyhow, all of this is great craic. No great flux, but a dynamic of Fianna Fáil decline that continues apace, and less happily for us on the left, a pattern of FG consolidation. But again, let’s wait and see.
But what of that ‘mad thesis’ the Sunday Independent presents us with?

A detailed analysis of the poll, however, points to the possible salvation of Fianna Fail should the party decide to facilitate the clamour for Senator David Norris to re-enter the presidential election.

Do go on…

Support for a Norris comeback is particularly strong in Dublin and Leinster and among age groups and social classes where Fianna Fail has haemorrhaged most of its support in recent years.

But whenever there is a problem with polls the Sunday Independent has an answer. It’s time, it’s always time, to call Quantum Research.

The extent to which the public want Fianna Fail to facilitate the nomination of Mr Norris is even more evidentially illustrated in a second opinion poll which was commissioned as a result of the announcement that Martin McGuinness of Sinn Fein is to contest the presidential election.

A Sunday Independent/ Quantum Research telephone poll specifically asked whether Fianna Fail should facilitate the nomination of Mr Norris; the answer was a resounding yes.

You betcha!

How much of an yes?

Taken yesterday, after The Late Late Show and following the announcement that Mr McGuinness is to contest the election, a massive 59 per cent said Fianna Fail should facilitate Mr Norris. That poll also indicates that Mr McGuinness will primarily take support from Michael D Higgins of Labour.

And unfortunately the findings of the two polls appear to be mixed and matched throughout the piece so I’m leery about any analysis drawn from the Presidential campaign data. Though even the Independent can’t quite ignore that…

The subsequent, although less scientific, Sunday Independent/ Quantum Research poll indicates that the candidacy of Mr McGuinness has thrown open the contest: it seems he will primarily take support from Michael D Higgins of Labour.

Bearing in mind that polling took place after The Late Late Show, the findings, excluding Don’t Knows, were: David Norris (34pc); Michael D Higgins (18pc); Martin McGuinness (17pc); Mary Davis (12pc); Gay Mitchell (11pc); Sean Gallagher (8pc).

Yes, ‘less scientific’.

Indeed.

This may seem almost pointless to say, but strength amongst those groups and ‘social classes’ doesn’t necessarily mean that these are erstwhile FF voters or that they will swing behind Norris. The SI seems curiously unaware of the more conservative profile of FF voters across the years, a social conservatism that makes them unlikely champions or supporters of a Norris candidacy. I’d also suspect that the McGuinness candidacy will hoover up support from many of those former FF voters [whatever 'Quantum's' finding about 'taking support from Michael D Higgins of Labour'].
Moreover if they are not former FF voters but instead those of other parties why should they want to switch when they already have candidates of their own parties in the field, whether in the form of Mitchell or Higgins.

And how any of this genuinely represents a lifeline back for Fianna Fáil escapes me unless the thinking is that a grateful electorate will forget the last four years, and the preceding one, and shed away from Labour, FG, SF and IND/ULA to FF simply because it supports a Norris nomination.

They must be mad.

And not very good at reading an FF party which only two days later decided not to support any candidacy.

********

On a slight tangent… I think I know what Eamon O Cuiv means when he says the following, but I’m not quite sure it comes out the way he intended:

On TV3 tomorrow, meanwhile, Mr O Cuiv also asks: “Is Fianna Fail so damaged by the label of corruption, by the label of big business, builders and bankers — a lot of which has nothing to do with the membership of the Fianna Fail I know — that it is a really seriously damaged brand and… you know, the thought does enter my mind – are we going to be forever damaged by the actions of the few? If that were so, maybe we have to look at a new way forward for the very, very same ideals.

The battle for Smithfield: Tesco and NAMA vrs. The Complex September 20, 2011

Posted by guestposter in Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
15 comments

A very welcome guest post from anarchaeologist…

The modus operandi of NAMA are of crucial importance to anyone with an interest in the present collapse of capitalism. The manner in which it conducts its operation is veiled in obfuscation and mystery; as a corporate body it has strenuously resisted public scrutiny and is rightly considered a huge scam perpetrated on behalf of the state and various vested interests. At a press conference in April 2009, Brian Lenihan stated the organisation would not be a bank, but that it would be managed like a bank, ensuring that ’optimal value for money [would be] obtained for the tax payer’. NAMA’s ownership of hotels, ghost estates and various other properties both here and abroad has been the subject of extensive comment and there has been some attention paid to the so-called social dividend in terms of the development of a housing strategy. Not surprisingly, the provision of a cultural dividend has received even less attention, despite there being a remit under the NAMA Act (Section 2(b)(viii)) ‘to contribute to the social and economic development of the State’.

The cultural dividend due to the Irish citizen is perhaps as amorphous as the social dividend. Nevertheless, both are enshrined in the current programme for government and Joe Costello has perhaps been the most vocal adherent of the idea that NAMA’s success will not just be measured in pounds, shillings and pence. The most recent RTÉ Prime Time dealing with NAMA (6 September) did a piece on The Complex, a performance art and gallery venue located on the western side of Smithfield in a development built less than ten years ago on foot of extensive tax breaks for the developers (the largess of which is celebrated in Simon Kelly’s Breakfast with Anglo, an unsurprisingly self-serving account of the Tiger years written by the son of one of the area’s principal developers). The redevelopment of Smithfield took place in the context of Dublin Corporation’s HARP (Historic Area Regeneration Project) scheme, which promised to deliver such a cultural dividend to the people of the northwest inner city, whether they wanted it or not. A reaction to the boozy excesses of Temple Bar, the area was identified as a new cultural hub for Dublin, one with good linkages to Collins Barracks, IMMA and the Guinness brewery, based around a newly landscaped seventeenth-century public square. As it happened, neither the City Council nor the developers demonstrated much of an interest in delivering on the cultural promise; the cash was trousered as the apartments were sold (mostly to legal professionals) where the council appeared happy that otherwise vacant and derelict land was being built upon. The emergence of the now defunct Lighthouse Cinema was accidental to the narrative, where the ground floor spaces facing Smithfield and Queen Street have remained mostly vacant.

The Complex emerged from all this in 2009. The Complex isn’t exactly what you’d call a traditional venue, there’s no fixed seating and no actual stage as such. Comprising three large spaces in grey concrete, over the past two years it has accommodated theatre (most of it, eh… challenging), performance and visual art (some of it produced in-house) and other events, with meagre funding coming from a variety of sources including art college graduate shows and exhibitions run by Photo Ireland and other groups such as UNESCO. It’s an open and inclusive space with an extensive community outreach programme which includes a recently established youth theatre. It generally pulls in 600-800 people a week into Smithfield and brings a bit of life to the place after dark. The Complex now employs 12 people, mostly on CE schemes, but jobs nonetheless.

The Complex opened as a pop-up, however it quickly became established on the Dublin arts scene and although its tenure was never legalised, the then-owner Paddy Kelly let it continue, ignoring requests for a lease and offers of a cultural rent for the spaces. Before the Kellys went into receivership last March, they had given Tesco the nod to surreptitiously apply for planning permission to open a Tesco Express and off licence in the premises. Tesco wasn’t the named applicant: the company is quite happy to let Minister for Jobs Richard Bruton announce the creation of hundreds of precarious employment opportunities for its larger stores but runs shy of announcing it expansionist plans when it comes to its convenience outlets. And indeed, it would require exceptional levels of unawareness not to notice the extent to which Tesco has been targeting the streets and neighbourhoods of the capital in an attempt to capture market share for the ultimate benefit of its UK-based shareholders.

This is particularly noticeable in this part of the city where Tesco are already established in Phibsborough, Jervis and Prussia Street, with another store across the river on Thomas Street and a massive hypermarket under construction at the bottom of the Navan Road. Local supermarket retailers are already predicting closures, further redundancies and vacant premises. In Ringsend for example, the opening of a Tesco Express resulted in the closure of a Spar and a Londis, the loss of all the jobs and an open opportunity for Tesco to charge what they want. The city is fast becoming a Tescopoly and there seems to be little the planning authority can do about it.

Smithfield is perhaps unique in the Tesco gameplan insofar as there is a significant vulnerable population of street drinkers who’re fed every day in the nearby Capuchin Centre on Bow Street. The sale of below cost alcohol, sourced from UK suppliers, is a central tenet of the company’s Irish operation and the multinational is appealing its grant of permission (minus the off licence) to An Bord Pleanála. Not that planning conditions stopped them selling alcohol on Thomas Street without a licence, where they were well able to pay the fine before regularising their position with the City Council.

The Kellys’ difficulties have now become Ireland Inc.’s opportunity, where NAMA now owns the spaces housing The Complex. Here, one would think, is an opportunity for NAMA to get a bit of good PR for a change, to deliver on its social and cultural obligations as defined in its statutory design, where The Complex would be permitted continue its work with a proper lease on payment of an appropriate cultural rent. Where the tax payer will not be the recipient of the thousands Tesco will undeniably contribute in rent, at least there’d survive another cultural space in an area designated (at the tax payer’s expense) for such activities? Well, think again. The documentation submitted to the Board on The Complex’s behalf made the request for an oral hearing of the planning appeal, on the basis that NAMA’s involvement was an issue of national importance. Although requests for oral hearings are not a given, it is significant that the Board has granted such hearings over the years for much less significant planning cases; their insistence in holding the appeal in camera suggests that they have been effectively nobbled by NAMA. It would be interesting indeed to acquire the correspondence between Tesco and NAMA’s receivers and this may now be possible after a judgement last week by the Information Commissioner which has declared NAMA a public authority under the Environmental Information Regulations, where freedom of information requests concerning NAMA’s activities within the planning process must now be facilitated.

The battle between The Complex and the NAMA/Tesco is shaping up to be an interesting one. In effect NAMA and Tesco share several characteristics: they are both highly secretive organisations which, according to themselves, are acting in the public’s best interests. NAMA are in there recouping the billions owed to the taxpayer where Tesco are busy providing greater choice and lower prices to the consumer. Yet, there remains considerable public disquiet over NAMA’s secretive relationship with its clients and Tesco, for its part, refuses to disclose its Irish profits while advertising heavily a commitment to Irish suppliers, one they refuse to substantiate with independently-audited data. Their lower-cost campaign was exposed for the chimera it is this summer where their jobs policy for their convenience stores ignores the local unemployed, instead sourcing their staff from UK agencies.

As it stands at the moment, The Complex has been served with an eviction notice, its second in three months, one which is naturally being resisted. Such indeed is NAMA’s engagement with the arts. Needless to say the present uncertainty over The Complex’s future is having an effect on the programme for the coming year. However, according to director Vanessa Fielding, The Complex is staying where it is and will continue to play a central role in the cultural life of Smithfield and the northwest inner city. CLR readers who wish to check out the space are invited to the opening of ‘Shul’, an in-house exhibition of the work of four artists this Wednesday at 6.00-8.30. Interestingly enough, the exhibition is being opened by Jimmy Deenihan whose ministerial brief includes the arts.

Further information on the appeal can be obtained at www.thecomplex.ie and on the Facebook page.

The Northern Ireland Executive Has A Plan: A Four Year Plan September 20, 2011

Posted by Garibaldy in Northern Ireland.
3 comments

The Northern Ireland Executive has a cunning plan to sort out the Northern Ireland economy. As we know, that plan is cutting corporation tax, a strategy many are sceptical about. But still, at least Peter Robinson, Martin McGuinness, Tom Elliott, Margaret Ritchie (temporarily), David Ford and their parties, are doing something. Er, hold on. We now have Sammy Wilson telling us that it will probably take four years for the cut to come in.

Which kind of begs the question, what are the Executive parties going to do to promote economic development before that, having touted it as the answer? Answers on the back of a postcard (or a postage stamp if you want to keep in tune with current thinking) to the Political Parties, Stormont.

Fianna Fáil futures… September 19, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics.
11 comments

Stephen Collins this week had some harsh words for FF about its prospective longevity, and give him his due, some interesting thoughts about that party. He focusses on the apparent chaos within FF over the Presidential Election following the decision not to contest it and the clear lack of discipline in that organization given the solo run by Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú as well as a threat to resign by Eamon O Cuiv, who some of us may well have forgotten [I know I did] is FF deputy leader.

Intriguingly Collins sympathies are with that beleaguered and much diminished band, the TDs.

“The party has been hijacked by a bunch of elderly Senators who got elected by spending their time in safe Fianna Fáil houses, while we faced the wrath of the electorate. They haven’t a clue about what is happening in the real world,” said one TD.

And it’s not an entirely unfair analysis. Indeed Collins makes an excellent point when he notes:

In hindsight, Fianna Fбil’s surprisingly good performance in the Seanad election contained the seeds of future conflict.
The party won 14 Seanad seats which gave a considerable boost to the depleted parliamentary party, which had been slashed in numbers when just 20 TDs were elected in February.
However, a number of experienced Senators, who were elected in spite of a list of favoured younger candidates put forward by the leadership, were bristling with indignation and were only waiting for a chance to get their own back. They certainly availed of that chance on Thursday.
Many of these Senators have never contested a general election and have no intention of doing so, but they are a powerful component of the parliamentary party.

For Martin this must be a nightmare of dismal proportions. His Seanad representation is only somewhat smaller than his Dáil representation [and the loss of Lenihan, and most likely his seat hasn't improved the math]. Both are, to judge from their disposition in the Chambers, a disheartened and demoralized set of crews. And both are working against each other rather than with each other.

Whether Martin’s ‘list’ would have delivered a punchier alternative is open to question. The young guns who did make it into the Seanad aren’t exactly setting it alight. And Collins seems to have an undue regard for the ‘younger’ Dáil TDs. Indeed he paints an even more catastrophic picture:

This poses a serious quandary for the younger TDs and new Senators, who represent any future the party might have.
If they are outvoted and outmanoeuvred by their older colleagues, they could quickly despair of having a political future in Fianna Fбil.

But where would they go? Where would they go?

Well check this out…

There is an even more depressing alternative that could see Fianna Fáil taken over by some dedicated group seeking to colonise the skeleton of the party for its own purposes.

And he posits:
T

he international experience of old decaying parties is worth looking at in this context.
For instance, charismatic populist the late Jorg Haider managed to take over the declining, but respectable, liberal Freedom Party in Austria, and turn it into a vibrant but controversial right-wing force.
The same fate has befallen declining political parties in other European countries.

The Freedom party, respectable, liberal? Really? Reading this one might have a very different sense of matters.

The ‘Early Years’ section is particularly useful, consider the following:

The first FPÖ party leader was Anton Reinthaller, a former Nazi Minister of Agriculture and SS officer.[14] He had been asked by ÖVP Chancellor Julius Raab to take over the movement rather than let it be led by a more socialist-leaning group.[15] While the majority of former Nazis had probably joined the two main parties in absolute numbers, they formed a greater percentage of FPÖ members due to the party’s small size.[15] Nevertheless, none of them were real revolutionaries and they pursued pragmatic, non-ideological policies.[15] The FPÖ served as a vehicle for them to integrate in the Second Republic; the party was a welcome partner with both the SPÖ and ÖVP in regional and local politics, although it was excluded at the national level.[15][16] The ÖVP and the FPÖ ran a joint candidate for the 1957 presidential election, who lost.[15]

Feel the liberalism. Wallow in the respectability. And note that the larger parties ‘excluded it at national level’.

Then for a six year period, between 1980 and 1986, the FPÖ under the leadership of Norbert Steger did indeed tilt towards centrism. But that’s okay because as early as 1983 a certain Jorg Haider who wasn’t a johnny come lately but had been a member since his youth in the 1960s became leader of the Carinthia branch and from there moved towards the leadership which he took over in 1989.

So rather than the FPO being similar to a wounded Fianna Fáil it’s an entirely different creature. Though one’s got to love the ‘vibrant but controversial’…

And how about this?

If Fianna Fáil cannot discover its own reasons for renewal it could end up with the equally unpalatable alternatives of dying or becoming the vehicle for forces that have little regard for its history or traditions.

I think he’s got this somewhat the wrong way about and not just in the somewhat bizarre comparison with the FPÖ. This is close to the end point of a process that started when FF first went into coalition with the Progressive Democrats [by the way I'm not comparing the PDs here to the FPÖ in terms of ideology], a process which was cheerled by many, including Collins. That was where it became a vehicle for forces that ‘had little regard for its history or traditions’, or perhaps knew of those traditions a little too well. That’s where its innate pragmatism faded away and where it’s Janus like ability to address directly competing constituencies of its party support base atrophied to the point of non-existence.

The result? Fianna Fáil has become in terms of national representation hardly much better than the highest point the PDs achieved back in the day. And in its inchoate, but still right of centre rhetorical and political position it continues, as it most notably did during the crisis, the policies of its former partner. Indeed if it keeps going at this rate it will soon have the more average numbers the PDs had back in the day.

Perhaps that which Stephen Collins and others sought has come to pass and he didn’t even notice.

Behold, Fianna Fáil – the new PDs! And going the same way too…

Left Archive: The Next Step – Revolutionary Communist Party [UK], May 1987 September 19, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Left Online Document Archive, Revolutionary Communist Party [UK], Revolutionary Communist Tendency (UK).
14 comments

To download the above document please click on the following link [apologies, this is a large file size, approximately 24mbs]: TNSRCP3

This paper was issued by the Revolutionary Communist Party in May 1987. The RCP emerged from the Revolutionary Communist Tendency [see here] which itself had emerged from the Revolutionary Communist Group [see here]. The RCP had a Trotskyist orientation – albeit this dissipated as it entered the 1990s and eventually it was disbanded and many of those involved focused on the libertarian online magazine Spiked.

As the RCP it combined an overtly Leninist line with a strong emphasis on social liberalism and stances on a variety of issues which caused considerable controversy. Like the RCT and the RCG before it, the RCP was notable for its unswerving identification with Sinn Féin and the IRA and this document has a front page story about the 8 IRA volunteers shot dead at Loughgall that year as part of an ASU commanded by Jim Lynagh. The editorial in the paper suggests:

The massacre at Loughgall was a fitting last entry in the record of the second Thatcher government. It captured the brutality and sheer bloody mindedness with which the Tories have cracked down on those who oppose their will.

The editorial maps this onto the then upcoming election, arguing that:

In the general election, we are campaigning for the candidates supporting The Red Front – a platform for working class unity (see pages 6 and 7). The Red Front is a focus for all those who demand the right to fight for the working class. it upholds our right to struggle for a decent life and for freedom from oppression. The events at Loughgall should convince us of the crying need to unite left-wing people behind the banner of The Red Front. The alternative is to support a party which unites with Thatcher in congratulating those who will kill to crush resistance to the rule of tyranny.

Inside the paper there is considerable coverage of Loughgall and the SAS shoot-to-kill policy. In a full page article on the events it states:

Nobody denies that the IRA men went out to attack the Loughgall RUC base. But the thousands of Irish men and women who marched against the killings insist that the republicans had the right to do so.

It is worth noting that there is no examination of the political position of parties in Ireland.

Other than that there are a range of articles on a varied range of topics from South Africa to AIDS to issues regarding local government in the UK. The main focus, however, is on the general election. The Red Front fielded 14 candidates, and as an article in the paper notes:

It costs £500 just to register a candidate, and then there’s the one for posters, manifestos, phone bills, meeting halls, transport, campaign offices.

In sum then a professionally produced, somewhat varied document very much of its time.

An Economy For Society September 18, 2011

Posted by Tomboktu in Capitalism, Economy.
12 comments

CLAIMING OUR FUTURE IDEAS — ‘AN ECONOMY FOR SOCIETY’

A NATIONAL DISCUSSION

Millennium Hall, Cork City Hall, Saturday November 5th 2011

Saturday, November 5, 2011 11:00 AM (Registration 10am)

Our economic model of development is failing us. When judged by purely economic measures such as GDP growth is stagnant. The economic system doesn’t serve society-unemployment is high, public services are being cut and wealth and income are increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few, creating damaging inequalities.It is bad for the environment- natural resources are rapidly diminishing and ecosystems on which we all depend are being destroyed.

It’s time to talk about alternatives. It’s time to talk about an economy for society.

Claiming Our Future in association with PlanBetter (part of IEN the Irish Environmental Network) is organisinga national discussion on our economic system in Cork. Individuals and people from a wide range of civil society organisations will talk through the issues on November 5th. A working group will be organised to implement the ideas discussed and to promote an economy for society.

What is your vision for social progress?

Does our economic system contribute to this vision?

How does economic growth serve society, the environment and the economy itself?

Do we need: Stronger regulation of corporations? Technological innovation?

A new localism? Education for change? A steady state economy?

What do we need to do to advance alternatives? What do I need to do?

This event aims to:

1. Share information and perspectives about whether our current economic system serves our society and the environment and what an economic system based on the values of environmental sustainability and equality would require.

2. Encourage and support debate and action across the country to build support for an economic system based on environmental sustainabilityand equality.

3. Identify initiatives that participants, civil society organisations and Claiming Our Future could take to progress alternatives to the current economic system.

Agenda

Registration from 10am

Discussion begins at 11am.

Lunch 1pm-2pm

Close 4.30pm.

More detailed agenda to follow.

Register today and join the national discussion in Cork on November 5th 2011

Find out more at www.claimingourfuture.ie and www.economyforsociety.ie

“Tantalising… but not tantalising enough”… September 18, 2011

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Gaelic Football, Culture.
11 comments

…one commentator said on RTÉ in the last fifty minutes of so of the Dublin/Kerry All-Ireland Final [it was either just before or just after the first half].

Nah… more than tantalising enough! Great football.

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