What if: John A. Costello had not declared the Republic in 1948? January 7, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish History, The Left.
Here’s a question that has long intrigued me, and I’m not expecting an answer any time soon. But that said it is possible to work through some of the implications. Did Costello on his famous visit to Canada in September 1948 declare the Republic too soon? It’s interesting to read what Joe Lee in “Ireland 1912-1985” has to say about this particular venture:
There may have been a number of motives for Costello’s decision. He himself disliked the characteristic ambiguity of de Valera’s External Relations Act of 1936, which left Ireland effectively a Republic in her internal affairs, while retaining the king as a symbolic sleeping partner in external relations… but a passion for logical consistency rarely suffice sot explain political decisions, even by a part-time politician like Costello. The ‘Republic’ could serve several purposes for FG. It stole Fianna Fáil’s Sunday suit of constitutional clothes. Who were the real republicans now? By behaving in a manner so out of character with the performance of the party for more than a decade, it helped retrieve FG’s fading image as a serious party concerned with the real business of politics, power.
The declaration… also… pre-empted the possible embarrassment of a threatened private ‘Republic’ bill by independent TD, Peadar Cowna, and reinforced by Costello’s subsequent decision to introduce the relevant bill himself rather than leave it to his Minster for External Affairs, also had the advantage of stealing MacBride’s thunder. Costello himself justified the decision on the grounds that it would take the gun out of politics.
Lee also notes that at the same time Ireland left the Commonwealth. That is another question again – and perhaps an unrelated one in the context of the potential effects or otherwise of the declaration of the Republic (though Lee notes that ‘it seems doubtful on the whole if Irish absence made much difference to either Ireland or the Commonwealth… Canada, Australia and New Zealand retained benign links with Ireland. Britain continued to treat Irish immigrants as Commonwealth citizens and to offer a special relationship to the Irish economy’).
But it raises many many questions. What effect did that have on the conflict(s) that erupted on the Border and in the North in subsequent decades? What was the effect on partition? Were there implications for the left above and beyond those in relation to the North. And so on.
One thought that struck me in this is that in a way Kenny’s tilt at the Seanad was a sort of faint echo of Costello’s approach in relation to the Republic, albeit much less cleverly done – a seemingly big ticket event that would shake up Irish politics.
By the way, Lee notes that the declaration ‘had at least the merit of diverting attention from Costello’s reassurance to the bemused Canadians of ‘Ireland’s readiness to come to the assistance of Canada in the event of war with a communist power’’.
1914 – 2014: 100 years of the Starry Plough January 1, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish History, Irish Politics, The Left.
An event that shouldn’t go unnoticed today is the 100th anniversary of the Starry Plough, traditional symbol of Irish Republican Socialism. You’ll find it nestling at the top of this page in the header image towards the left and it is indeed drawn from the Starry Plough constellation. Originally unveiled as the symbol of the Irish Citizen’s Army, although in that iteration with the stars set on a green field, the more well-known ‘modern’ version is a product of the Republican Congress where the stars are more clearly stylised and set on a blue field.
More on the 1956-1962 Border Campaign December 30, 2013Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish History, Irish Politics.
Coincidental to discovering this educative site here – well, not so coincidental actually, I finally got around to reading Barry Flynn’s ‘Soldiers of Folly – The IRA Border Campaign 1956 −1962’ and it’s an interesting read. I noted in comments I’m not mad gone on the title, but it’s a comprehensive enough overview of the topic, though, as also noted in comments, Ó Bradaigh’s biography has a good overview too.
One interesting nugget which I had hitherto confused with Saor Uladh was the Laochra Uladh (Warriors of Ulster) splinter group, which was led by Brendan O’Boyle, an IRA man from the 1940s who as Bowyer Bell noted in The Secret Army ‘appeared to run a one-man bombing campaign’ and who died in 1955 when a bomb prematurely exploded in the car he was driving. According to some LU gave weapons to SU.
That Bowyer Bell link is fascinating because it mentions other groups, including an IRB, Arm na Saoirse which merged with the IRA (and as Bowyer Bell notes almost fantastically its members were unaware of the IRA before that, or perhaps not so fantastically), and the Irish National Brotherhood/Irish Volunteers which is described as ‘private and somewhat violent youth movement absorbed into na Fianna Éireann’. These apparently were all Dublin based. It does suggest a ferment of activity in the years running up to the campaign.
It’s interesting to consider what were the roots of that activity in the 1940s, a period when the IRA and Republicans were being pushed back by the state in Ireland. One other thought that strikes me is whether in some ways the anti-partitionism of Ailtirí na hAiséirghe during the 1940s (and I don’t mean that in a facile far-right=SF or the IRA way, but rather that AnahA’s anti-partitionism clearly struck a chord), and indeed the Anti-Partition Conference, were representative of a very broad anti-partition sentiment that ultimately saw expression in the Border Campaign?
Scoláire Staire – October Edition – Centenary of 1913 Lockout December 19, 2013Posted by WorldbyStorm in 1913, Economy, Irish History, The Left.
From Scoláire Staire, available for download here.
Please find the much delayed October edition of Scoláire Staire attached. As advertised it is our first “special edition” and focuses on labour and class history to mark the centenary of the 1913 Lockout.
I must apologise, not only to the readers, but also to the contributors who have been waiting patiently to see their work published. As always I hope you enjoy reading it and feel free to distribute it widely. We’ll see you again in 2014.
RTÉ’s 1976 documentary on Irish involvement in the Spanish Civil War December 5, 2013Posted by irishelectionliterature in History, Irish History.
The description is as follows…
RTÉ’s 1976 documentary on Irish involvement in the Spanish Civil War (Spanish Anti-Fascist War, 1936-1939). Presented and produced by Cathal O’Shannon.
Features contributions from Irishmen who fought for the International Brigades on the Republican side and those who travelled with Blueshirt Eoin O’Duffy’s Irish Brigade to support Franco and fascism.
Documentary title inspired by poet Charlie Donnelly, who remarked that ‘even the olives are bleeding’ shortly before he died fighting for the Republic at the Battle of Jarama in 1938.
Includes interviews with my grandfather Michael O’Riordan as well as many of his great comrades, including Bob Doyle.
Sean Heuston Society – Lecture on December 7th on the ICA at the National History Museum, Collins Barracks December 5, 2013Posted by WorldbyStorm in 1913, Culture, Irish History, Irish Politics, The Left.
This Saturday, 7th December, the Sean Heuston Society are hosting a lecture on the formation and activities of the Irish Citizen Army.
This will take place at 1pm in the National History Museum, Collins Barracks.
This event is free of charge and non party political.
Kevin Morley, author of ‘A Descriptive History of the Irish Citizen Army’ will be main speaker.
Also we’ll have a descendant of Michael Mallin who’ll be talking about modern day revisionists who attempt to apply 21st century standards to men and women born in the 19th century.
Reviewing collusion November 27, 2013Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish History, Irish Politics, Northern Ireland.
..Here’s a new blog with a most interesting approach to the history of the conflict, not least a review of the new book on collusion by Anne Cadwallader, ‘Lethal Allies’.
To which there is this response:
In a review of Paul Larkin’s A Very British Jihad: Collusion, conspiracy and cover-up in Northern Ireland, Queen’s University academic Adrian Guelke argued that many of the author’s claims regarding allegations of collusion were “open to argument, to put the matter mildly” (Fortnight, May 2004). Indeed, he cites one of the cases highlighted by Larkin – when Guelke himself was shot by the UDA – and states “that my case hardly demonstrates the intimate level of collusion that he wishes to suggest existed among the Loyalists, elements of the security forces and the apartheid regime.” Ultimately, Guelke contends that much of Larkin’s work was made up of “foolish innuendo[es] … about a number of prominent figures in this society”; easily dismissible and easily dismissed.
Anne Cadwallader’s Lethal Allies also takes on the controversial issue of collusion in Ireland; her work isn’t so easily dismissible or dismissed. Still, in a lengthy review of her newly published book, Arkiv claims that but for the inclusion of HET reports, “there would be little to distinguish … [it] from a number of others that have claimed to uncover an over-arching British state policy to use counter-insurgency tactics … to deal with the IRA.” Here Arkiv mention Larkin’s A Very British Jihad. Yet Cadwallader never claims an over-arching British state policy per se. And, in fact, there is much more than HET reports which make this important and controversial work a cut above the rest.
From the onset, Cadwallader is explicit about the origins and remit of the project of which her book is the outcome. It is not – and is not intended as – a scholarly treatise on British state policy on the North, much to Arkiv’s disappointment. Lethal Allies covers nearly 120 different killings which took place mainly (though not exclusively) in what has been dubbed the “murder triangle” in Counties Armagh and Tyrone. These killings took place in the 1970s and Cadwallader convincingly documents how they were carried out by a particular “loyalist gang, and permutations of it, with tacit assistance from members of government forces” (p. 16). She does “not claim that every RUC officer or UDR soldier was collusive, or every loyalist was manipulated, or every judge or British cabinet minister mendacious” (p.16). Nevertheless, it is argued “that enough was known, or should have been known, by sufficient people in places of authority, to prevent many of the murders described” (p. 16).
While HET reports certainly play a major part in corroborating the author’s very serious allegations, so too does over 15 years of meticulous research. Lethal Allies is also based upon official government reports, on hundreds of hours of archival research at Kew, at PRONI, the Newspaper Library in Belfast and dozens of local libraries scattered across this island. It is based on years of back-and-forth correspondence between the Pat Finucane Centre and the PSNI (at various levels), the DPP, the Northern Ireland Courts Service, the Coroner’s Office, the Office of the Attorney General and Lord Chief Justice. It is based on countless meetings and correspondence between Justice for the Forgotten and Justice Barron, the Department of Justice and the Gardai Síochána in the Republic. Numerous interviews were carried out with victims, survivors, whistle-blowers, serving police officers, retired police officers, etc. Moreover, it includes damning ballistic reports which link many a “stolen” weapon to murder after murder after murder.
Arkiv acknowledge that “[t]he issues of collusion raised in the book are indeed profoundly serious ones” but deal very little with these issues (despite the fact that these issues comprise the bulk of Lethal Allies.) And unsurprisingly Arkiv make no reference to the “human side” of these multiple tragedies – the pain, humiliation, harassment, etc. suffered by those who lost their loved ones – this too is an important part of the book. Instead Cadwallader and the Pat Finucane Centre are taken to task for failing to recognize “the massive challenges faced by the security forces and the RUC in particular in the early to mid-1970s.” This is given as one of the main reasons why so many of the murders described may not have been properly investigated (evidence in the book often suggests otherwise.) The HET investigators do “note that applying the standards of contemporary best practice to the chaotic, pressurized and dangerous conditions of the Seventies is anachronistic and unfair” but it is the HET that “in report after report … goes on to criticize successive RUC enquiries” (pp. 260-261). Furthermore, while the author is accused of depicting arrest rates of “loyalist terrorists and rogue security force members [as an] unmitigated failure”, this is only partially true – a section of the book actually documents what happened to some of those arrested, what charges were filed and how the justice system then failed in its duties.
The review points out that “[m]uch is made of the murderous activities of the former member of the UDR Robert Jackson and the allegation that he worked as a hit-man for British Military Intelligence and the RUC.” The allegation is indeed made and it is based on far more than the word of Colin Wallace (perhaps the reviewer missed the whole discussion regarding Jackson and the Miami Showband killings – see pp. 103-108). Still, rather than focus on this allegation, emphasis is placed on the many opportunities the RUC had to arrest Jackson and many of his associates. What is more, it is argued that the evidence to effectively prosecute Jackson did exist – in fact it existed on a number of occasions – and this is pointed out time and time again. Why this did not happen, readers can decide for themselves.
Elsewhere Arkiv claim that Lethal Allies “resurrects the ‘Wilson Plot’ thesis of an MI5 conspiracy to overthrow the Labour Prime Minister”. In nearly 400 pages of text, the thesis is touched on in a matter of two or three sentences – not much of a resurrection. Arkiv also argues that “the logic” of the book results a number of “strange conclusions”. For example, the author’s views on the collusion supposedly lay “blame for the Kingsmill massacre … at the door of the British state” (Cadwallader clearly states that the IRA were responsible for the attack – something which the Republican Movement still refuses to do – and that it was “terrible and inexcusable”) (p. 158). It is even said that “Cadwallader and the PFC claim the IRA’s ‘Long War’ was a product of … British collusion”, yet the IRA’s ‘Long War’ strategy is never discussed in the book. What is said is, however, is that collusion simply prolongs conflict – indeed, “[t]he hard lessons learned in Armagh and Tyrone have a relevance as far away as Afghanistan, Iraq and other modern theatres of war” (pp. 372-373).
* * *
Hours after the Dublin/Monaghan bombings, the then Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave (FG) argued; “Everyone who has practised violence or preached violence or condoned violence must bear a share of responsibility for today’s outrage” (p. 221). The Dublin/Monaghan bombings remain the greatest loss of life in a single day of the Troubles but there was no national day of mourning and no government minister visited the injured or bereaved. The deadly attacks were carried out by UVF personnel (many of who were either former or serving members of the security forces) and serious allegations persist that other British security force members also played a part. Much of this was known in the immediate wake of the bombings yet Cosgrave and other Irish government officials quickly shifted the blame for the bombings onto republicans.
Arkiv regard Lethal Allies as “but the latest manifestation of a one-sided ‘blame the Brits’ syndrome.” As noted above, Arkiv say very little about the 120 murders documented in the book. These brutal killings were carried out by loyalists who were aided and abetted by state forces; oftentimes there was no distinction between the two. The book documents this. The British government was well aware of loyalist infiltration of the UDR and of the frequent arms raids on Army bases in the North. This too is well documented. The “overwhelming majority of those specifically targeted were people who were progressing economically, socially and politically – people with aspirations their parents could only have dreamed of” (p. 363). Only one of the murders covered in this book was of a republican activist. No over-arching British state policy is alleged here, but in each of these cases blame is “laid at the door of the British state” and rightly so. Would Arkiv rather shift the blame?
– Dr. F. Stuart Ross
Activist, academic and PFC board member
Note: Arkiv’s review ends by accusing Cadwallader of “ungenerously rubbish[ing] the HET’s role in dealing with the past” – not true. Until very recently, the Pat Finucane Centre has critically engaged with the HET on behalf of families since it started reviewing cases in 2006. As the book notes, however, “many families have been bitterly disappointed by HET Reports” and the Centre has always maintained that this avenue is a deeply flawed and imperfect way for families to begin to learn the truth regarding the death of a loved-one during the Troubles (p. 17). Nevertheless, Cadwallader has very openly and publicly praised the “small team of very diligent officers of huge integrity and courage” who investigated many of the Glennane gang killings”.
100 YEARS LATER THE LEGACY OF THE 1913 LOCKOUT Edited by Mary Muldowney with Ida Milne. Launch Thursday, 14 November at 6 p.m. November 7, 2013Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish History, Irish Politics, The Left, Uncategorized.
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from 1992…. An unlikely solution for unemployment October 14, 2013Posted by irishelectionliterature in Ireland, Irish History.
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East Wall Merchants Road Eviction Commemoration video of photos September 27, 2013Posted by WorldbyStorm in 1913, Irish History, The Left.
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Photos from Merchants Road eviction commemoration from the weekend before last, played out to “The Day they set Jim Larkin Free” by Black 47 , lyrics as included on mural top panel. Thanks to JM for sending it along.