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A new collection in the Irish Left Archive – non-electoral Political Posters April 16, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Left Online Document Archive, Irish Politics.
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Some may have noticed this at the weekend, but Left Archive co-curator Aonghus Storey has set up a section of the Left Archive which will focus on Political Posters. Bar two items (held on to for sentimental reasons!) there is no intention to cover election posters, Alan’s Irish Election Literature site covers that side of things.

But there is plenty of scope for left oriented non-election posters – whether campaigns or promotional. Some of the most striking visuals appear in that form, as noted on the ILA often they’re the only point of contact between small groups and the general public. And finally they’re part and parcel of the Irish left.

So, if you have photographs of non-electoral left posters please forward them to the Archive for inclusion in that collection. All contributions gratefully accepted.

Hard to keep up April 16, 2014

Posted by doctorfive in Irish Politics.
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May Day DCTU march April 16, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
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What you want to say – 16th April 2014 April 16, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Uncategorized.

As always, following on Dr. X’s suggestion, it’s all yours, “announcements, general discussion, whatever you choose”, feel free.

More Left Unity Transfers…. From People Before Profit April 15, 2014

Posted by irishelectionliterature in The Left.

Earlier today we had a post on how The Workers Party are asking for a Number Two vote for People Before Profit Candidates in Clondalkin and Lucan
Turns out PBP Councillor Gino Kenny is asking for a No 2 vote for Lorraine Hennessey of The Workers Party and I’m told Ruth Nolan of PBP is asking for a No 2 for Micheal Finnegan of the WP.
Nice to see.
Anything else along similar lines out there?

More Left Unity Transfers from The Workers’ Party April 15, 2014

Posted by irishelectionliterature in The Left.

Previously we had a post that the The Workers’ Party were backing Paul Murphy
Here are leaflets from Mick Finnegan in Lucan and Lorraine Hennessy in Clondalkin asking for a No. 2 votes for People Before Profit candidates.
Are there any other examples of left candidates calling for specific transfers to other left candidates of a different party/grouping?

Byelections… April 15, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics.

The SBP’s Last Post column a week or so back made a point I hadn’t thought about. That is that there are potentially five or six by-elections on the way on foot of the European Elections and the need to replace TDs in Dublin West and Longford Westmeath. Although it seems likely that the coalition will push them as far into the future the SBP asks:

Will the government run them on the one day?

The answer being… ‘That could be a suicide mission. It’s hard for governments to win by-elections. What if it lost them all?

And I think that rings true, that that would be taken – rightly or wrongly – as a mini-referendum on the government itself in a way that the Local and European elections simply aren’t.

Which means that ‘the only way is to hold them in dribs and drabs’ and that likely ‘two on polling day in May’.

And yet I heard only this week that there were plans to run them on the same day. Hard to believe they’d do that, but if it came to pass, well now, that would be interesting.

Women employees ‘accepting’ less remuneration than men for the same roles? April 15, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Feminism, Gender Issues, Workers Rights.

Ignore the fluff in much of this report and check this out, from the Irish Times, in relation to a Employment Market Monitor from CPl.

The survey also found that 40 per cent of employers said that women generally accept less remuneration than men for equal roles, particularly in the tech sector, while the monitor points to a strong first quarter for job listings, with the level of jobs posted in the science, engineering & supply chain segment showing the strongest growth since early 2013.

What, one wonders, is the definition of ‘accept’ used in that statement?

Some useful thoughts on commemoration… April 15, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish History.

…quoted here from Diarmaid Ferriter who notes in passing that invitations to members of the British royal family have been issued without reference to the expert advisory group on the 1916 centenary and that:

He believed the presence of the royal family might give succour to those who believed the Rising was unnecessary, as the British government had committed to the introduction of home rule once the war was over. “I’m on the side of evidence. There was no evidence that Britain was prepared to settle its Irish question until it was forced to do it. We don’t need to abandon our critical faculties because of the warm haze after the Queen’s visit.”

That point above is one that should be made time and again. It doesn’t precluded the attendance of those current representatives of the British state but it is important to provide a degree of context.

Republicanism and a new Ireland… April 15, 2014

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, Northern Ireland.

…intriguing piece from Newton Emerson in the Sunday Times this weekend (which links in with discussions over the weekend on the CLR). In it he discusses the McGuinness attendance at a royal function in Britain during President Higgins visit there. And his belief is that to see that event, his attendance, as directed essentially at a Southern political audience is incorrect – indeed he goes further and argues that ‘it is too trivial to be a full explanation. How much of a factor could McGuinness’s non-attendance at a banquet possibly be at polling booths six weeks from now? He holds no office in Dublin and few southern voters pay NI any attention’.

He also notes that the interaction at the level of the monarchy is of such a nature that it actually undermines political unionism, at least – and I paraphrase – in the sense that it makes exclusion of republicans that much more difficult if the Queen and the monarchy are willing to engage.

And consequently he argues that the gesture was aimed at Unionists ‘with SF gain[ing] kudos among its own supporters by showing such apparent generosity, especially when comparable unionist generosity is lacking. But how much kudos does it seriously expect to gain among unionists? The party’s focus on royal symbolism suggests it hopes to go past unionist politicians with a direct message to unionist people.’

That’s is a not unpersuasive argument, though how accurate it is is difficult to determine. But more interesting by far was the following which I had previously missed in relation to what that message aimed at unionist people might be.

At its Uniting Ireland Conference in Dublin in 2011, Adams called for ‘discussion with unionists about what they mean by Britishness and how a new Ireland, whether or not it is a Republic, can accommodate this’.

What sort of new Ireland is this that is being envisaged here, one that may not – it would appear – from the choice of the language even be a Republic?

Indeed in the speech Adams is explicit:

Our belief is that the interests of citizens and society on this island will be best served by a republican system of governance based on the rights of people.

But that is a matter for the people to decide.

There are other models which can be considered, including federal arrangements.
They could serve transitional measures or as governmental systems in their own right.

Emerson suggests that ‘SF needs a plausible end point for its goal [a part of which is government participation in both parts of the island], at which republicans are satisfied, unionists are mollified and British-Irish relations can, finally, be absolutely normal… the only scenario in which Ireland would not be a republic would be admission to the Commonwealth under the crown’.

Far-fetched, surely, and perhaps stirring it up too. But…

I’m reminded in a way of the way in which the Scottish Nationalist Party has approached the issue of independence, a process which has seen them acquiesce to formal aspects of the British monarchy. Now, frankly, I think that’s a non-starter in the context of this state, but, it is just possible that a shared dispensation affecting the North both politically, perhaps in terms of continued representation at Westminster (perhaps in the Lords), and simultaneously new representation in the Dáil or a new all-island entity, might be a realisable intermediate/long term goal.


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