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Myth-making: Political imagery, posters from the Troubles and the contradictions of armed struggle by socialists September 3, 2007

Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Design, Northern Ireland, The North.


I was looking for the poster above on the net after skimming through the actually quite good “INLA – Deadly Divisions” by Jack Holland and Henry McDonald while cross referencing with the R Ó B biography dealt with in part here last week. The poster was based on this photograph…


…taken of Joe McCann of the OIRA when that organisation took over Inglis Bakery in the Markets area in Belfast during the internment swoop in August 1971.

Anyhow, I found it on the rather good yankinulster blog which appears to have been dormant now for over a year. It’s a pity, the eponymous yank shares many of the same interests of the CLR, including political design culture and the North. But the yank has also established a rather fine exhibition of political posters which span the Troubles and include such gems as this one which clearly indicates the geographic and territorial preoccupations of Ulster Unionism in the early 1970s…


. .. and this fine, albeit using a somewhat chilling visual imagery, semi-constructivist poster for the IRSP.


yankinulster also provides a good bit of information in the accompanying captions. Very impressive indeed.

Anyway, back to the Joe McCann poster. In a way it provides the perfect example of the dichotomy facing Official Sinn Féin in the early 1970s. On the one hand the necessity to retain and project an armed presence in the North – particularly in the face of those upstarts from PSF. On the other the ideological drive to the left led to some recognition of the destructive aspects of that very armed presence in terms of building working class unity. Joe McCann was one of those who exemplified the link between those two positions, a link that became progressively more attenuated as the decade lengthened.

McCann had gone with the Officials during the split, but was always strongly in favour of an armed campaign and is alleged to have participated in various activities including [according to wiki and Deadly Divisions] the attempted murder of John Taylor of the UUP then Northern Ireland Minister for Home Affairs, and the deaths of up to 15 British soldiers. So while the image is one of the revolutionary as romantic hero, Starry Plough flag fluttering in the breeze behind him, the reality was considerably more hard-edged and contentious. What possible political gain could there have been from murdering John Taylor? How precisely did an armed campaign fit into the project of winning hearts and minds in the working class as an entity which comprised Nationalists and Unionists?

These questions aren’t in any sense to take away from his self-evident courage, or indeed the reality that McCann was genuinely interested in and convinced of the utility of political struggle as well as an armed campaign, merely to point up the contradictions inherent then – and now – in the means chosen to deal with the situation at hand (and one might point to fact that this predated direct rule).

His death, in some ways, also sat within the archetype of the young male revolutionary (he was only in his mid-20s – although perhaps Deadly Divisions overstates it when it describes him as ‘the nearest thing…to a Che Guevera figure’) cut down in his prime. He had been ordered by the OIRA to remain in Dublin after a sequence of actions he was involved in. He returned to Belfast, was spotted by the RUC who relayed the information to the Parachute Regiment. During a confrontation and chase with soldiers the unarmed McCann was shot dead. Ten spent cartridges were counted near his body by a local shop keeper, indicating that this was arguably had the hallmarks of a ‘shoot to kill’ incident.

It’s not unreasonable, I think, to suggest that in this imagery one can see the clear suggestion of a future that would lead to the establishment of the IRSP and INLA. The symbolism of the gun against the Starry Plough, the reference to the “Soldier of the People”, even in a sense the way in which the soldier becomes autonomous from the people, the vanguard, the individual fighting on behalf of those same people. But it also, curiously, contains within it an explanation of just why that route was abandoned by OSF, why it might be difficult to present any such actions as more than rooted in a single community and how it could be necessary to transcend that iconography in favour of one which genuinely reached out.

There’s a lot of talk about how PSF simply took the OSF/WP line. But in truth both strategies failed. An armed campaign of itself was too limited, too contradictory, to provide a clear way forward in the North in a context where national allegiance meant every action would be painted as effectively sectarian. The attempts to construct some sort of political alliance across the working class was equally futile. Perhaps the only strategy remaining was to start to deal with Unionism as it actually is and hope that that might lead to some sort of rapprochement. We’ll see if that will one day be added to the list of failed approaches.

In “Deadly Divisions” the story is recounted of how some believed that the image of McCann as romantic revolutionary was exploited by OSF. One individual alleged that in the weeks prior to McCann being shot ‘he noticed that the famous Inglis Bakery poster had been taken down’, although intriguingly it is also noted that ‘whatever the people in the Dublin head office might have thought of McCann’s famous picture, it remained hanging in the main hall of the Officials’ Belfast headquarters in Cyprus Street until 1982′. Logic might dictate that the armed struggle was, after the initial eruption in the North, a cul-de-sac, but emotion and history have their own momentum.

According to wiki a plaque was unveiled at the location of his death in Joy Street in the Markets in 1997 where representatives of various groups including the WP, PSF and the IRSP were in attendance. That must have been quite a meeting.

Mind you, returning to yankinulsters archive, what about this then? A poster for Sinn Féin from circa 1994. Clearly the print and design budget was being conserved the day it was commissioned.



1. Ciarán - September 4, 2007

I should point out quickly that most if not all of those posters come from CAIN, and are also available from the Linenhall Library’s “Troubled Images” collection.

There was an interesting piece on McCann on the Ireland’s Own website, which unfortunately seems to be down. In an interview with his sister she suggested that the Official IRA leadership had McCann set up because he was planning to split from them (and by some accounts he could have taken most of the Belfast Sticks with him). He comes across as a political activist very much in the Séamus Costello mold, and Costello later said it was a mistake to wait two years before breaking away himself.

Beyond the rhetoric though the question of real working class unity has dogged socialist republicans since long before partition. And it’s not exactly unique to Ireland either; it’s cropped up in every corner of the world where imperialism and colonialism have reared their ugly heads, which is why I feel that these problems need to be challenged if any real unity is ever going to be achieved.


2. WorldbyStorm - September 4, 2007

Very true about Troubled Images, but yankinulster seems to have done some nice captions which may or may not be his/her own, they don’t seem to be on the CAIN site.


3. Redking - September 4, 2007

McCann is an inteseting and clearly charismatic figure. Henry McDonald gives a good vignette in his book Colours too. McCann was very much of his times and was a militarist-but the contradictions inherent in carrying out an armed campaign that divided the working class and trying to destabilise a state that a larger section of the working class gave allegiance to, while also banging on about workers unity is striking.

Especially so as the Officials leadership in contrast to the Provos did not want to smash the state-they wanted to reform it.
Perhaps it is an example of how well meaning political activists can be corrupted by the dynamics of violence-Costello was another one….the OIRA were in direct competition with the Provos in the northern ghettos-in this context the assasination (as some saw it) of Taylor would have the intended political consequence of taking support from the PIRA-Taylor was responsible for security affairs at Stormont.
But again as Cathal Goulding OIRA C of Staff pointed out, the Officials were not out to get into some competitive war with the Provos for the chance to appeal to the natoinalist working class-they wanted to unite the whole of the working class. His problem was of course that many in the ranks simply saw this view as airy- fairy stuff from an out of touch Dublin leadership.

I doubt if the Officials ever at all wanted to get involved in a shooting war in the North-but the momentum of events dictated a violent response. But a great poster boy for them McCann was and deliberately used as such for propaganda purposes.
Who knows if McCann would have joined the IRSP/INLA-he probably would have but the stuff put out by people about him being set up by the OIRA- I don’t know about all that…


4. John O'Neill - September 4, 2007

Anyone recall the truly scary PSF poster in the 1980’s (can’t remember which election) One Ireland, One People, One Alternative, Vote Sinn Fein.

Reminded me a little too much of the Nazi Ein Volk, Ein Reich, Ein Furher.


5. Redking - September 4, 2007

Vaguely recall that John, another Danny Morrison gem I would think…

WBS-that PSF poster-it and others were parodied at the time-the volte face from overt militarism to peace makers, but also the hugly expensive design!

I can’t remember who wrote it but another parody of republican ballads at the time went: “The negotiating 1st battalion of the Bogside brigade” replaced “The fighting 1st battalion…” and “My little briefcase” replaced “My little armalite”.


6. WorldbyStorm - September 4, 2007

Redking, I agree with you. I’d be, I guess, quite strongly admiring of Costello and I know people who knew him reasonably well who retain enormous affection for him, although not for the way the IRSP went after the first year or so. But at the same time Costello was like McCann, entirely conflicted.

I wonder though whether I’d completely agree with you re the OIRA not being keen to get involved in a shooting war. That’s certainly not the interpretation I’d put on the later feuds (acknowledging wrong on all sides), and the depth of animosity between the rival organisations was a sight to behold – even years later when I was in WP. And a lot was driven by a sense of ‘sure they’re only nationalists, whereas we’re Marxists’ – a statement that wasn’t entirely correct either side of the comma (actually I always got the feeling that as the Northern post R Ó B leadership came to power inside PSF the animosity got worse because however nebulous clearly the new regime was more left-Republican and politicised which of course caused a sort of cognitive dissonance for some inside WP).

John, I don’t recall that. Perhaps someone closer to PSF might have a photo of it?

Vis the parodies, RK, I seem to recall them too.


7. Ted Brady - September 4, 2007

On the issue of whether McCann would have went with the IRSPs. He was part of a special operations unit created c.1970 and in operation until shortly after the ceasefire. Attached to OIRA GHQ the four man unit of Belfast volunteers was largely controlled by Costello during this period. However only one of the four went with the IRSPs, the other two who where closer comrades of McCann’s, one being a childhood friend stayed with the sticks. The whole McCann was a IRSP, and even among some of our more rabidly active imagination Provo apologists that he was really a post 76 Provo is very wide of the mark – totally opposed to killing civilians I think we can say there is no reason not to think on the balance of probability McCann would have stayed with the WP to at least 1998.


8. Redking - September 4, 2007

Ted, you may well be right about McCann staying with the WP-it’s one of the intriguing what if’s of recent political history, I simply don’t know-as WBS remarked a lot of people close to McCann seem to have said he would have split from the Officials.

However, maybe a lot of that was after the fact self-justification of people who had split wanting to claim McCann’s heroic legacy for their new political formations. The fact that WP/PSF and Irps all turned up to that plaque unveiling is testament perhaps to the power of that many years removed.

WBS -on the shooting war I think its undeniable that certain elements in OSF were happy to get involved but the overal thrust was to channel energies into political activities-but it’s difficult to turn the military mindset into a political one especially in the context of the 1970s. Even Garland was close to Costello up til 73, I think.


9. WorldbyStorm - September 4, 2007

Interesting point Ted. Again, I wouldn’t suggest McCann himself would have taken any path one way or the other, simply that the imagery of the poster is one which signposted that the RM at the time was facing enormous problems ahead which later manifested themselves as the OSF/IRSP split. McCann, as I noted, was very clearly interested in a left political approach (which might have put him as a much much later version of Provo than 76!).

Well indeed RK, Goulding certainly was keen to shut it down, although read the text of his eulogy at McCann’s funeral and it’s rousing stuff. I’m still ploughing through the R Ó B biog and the take on the PSF/OSF split is fascinating. The accounts, and I’m taking them with some degree of scepticism, paint Costello as a sort of uber Stick running head long towards dropping abstention, very much an outrider of the political thrust in SF prior to the split. It’s not that I doubt that much of that is true, simply that the story is filtered through those who had no love for Costello.


10. Garibaldy - September 4, 2007

The which Mc Cann would have gone debate is pointless. All we can say for sure is that he totally rejected the Provisionals and their sectarian approach.
WBS refers to an increasing hatred of the Provos among The WP from the mid-70s and suggests it had to do with the leftist posturing of Adams and co. There is a much simpler explanation. The massive October 1975 attack on the Republican Clubs, at a time when the British Secretary of State said that the Provos were going to be allowed to police their own areas, which was and is referred to as a pogrom. The death of comrades, supporters and a little girl during the Provisional attempt to remove their political opponents was never going to be easily forgotten. People involved in the Adams leadership were directly responsible for these things.
Added to the ongoing pattern of fascistic Provo intimidation of people who opposed their actions – be it Gerry Fitt and SDLP election workers, burning the ICTU office during the Hunger Strikes, or attacking The WP (including a murder in 1987) – is it any wonder that people remained hostile to the Provos and their campaign?


11. WorldbyStorm - September 4, 2007

Sorry Garibaldy, I should have clarified that – I wasn’t suggeseting that the hatred came from the mid-1970s due to ideology. You are of course correct that the mid-1970 feuds were a massive engine in that dynamic. But my point was that it was the later manifestations of PSF in the early 1980s when there was a tilt to the left by them that also I think added to the hatred (incidentally worth pointing out that for many WP members who arrived in the late 1970s and early 1980s the events you refer to were perceived as being in the dim and distant past. They weren’t of course, but there was a seperation from them, particularly as the party shifted away entirely from it’s orginal Republican discourse).


12. Redking - September 5, 2007

You’re absolutely right Garibaldy, that pogrom was a motive factor in all of the hatred-a vicious series of attacks -I think 29 armed attacks by the Provos on the WP over several days in Belfast. It’s a terrible episode that is largely forgotten -apart of course by the WP who can never forget it.
Interesting to note also that the some of the Provos involved in the attacks were also involved in the recent savage murder of Robert McCartney too-the same people 30 years later! No wonder Adams and co. are not that interested in a truth commission.
On the PSF leftward shift-how far did they really go?-not very if at all-I always viewed this as mainly a tactical move to appeal to certain audiences-I doubt the validity of it, although that’s not to say that some PSF members didn’t have leftist or even ultra-left views.
I think that seperation WBS was as a result of where you lived-I know that for the WP in the North who had to live with the daily threat of the Provos 1975 was all too real and present…
Incidentally, another great post WBS.


13. Joe - September 5, 2007

Worth pointing out, I think, that the attacks from the Provos were responded to in kind by OIRA. If I recall correctly, in one of the feuds, the OIRA killed one more than the Provos. So of course the subsequent hatred was on both sides.
One of the best inputs to a WP conference I ever heard was from Martin Lynch on a Sunday morning in the late 80s. He was talking about socialism and that it is fundamentally about love rather than hate. He then said something along the lines of many of us in the WP hate the Provos, but it’s time to stop hating. I remember one line word for word, I think. He mentioned that they had killed our members and then he said “Indeed, they came to my house to kill me.”
As WBS says, for many, like me, who joined the WP in the south in the eighties, all of that was in the past and far away. But fair play to Martin, he had me in the palm of his hand that Sunday morning.


14. chekov - September 5, 2007

Also worth remembering that the WP/OIRA were in the midst of what looked like an attempt to wipe out the INLA in Belfast at the time. A landscape in which you can’t really call anybody a victim.


15. John O'Neill - September 5, 2007

Of course Checkov is right when he says “you can’t really call anybody a victim”. Feuds leave ‘scars’ that don’t heal overnight. The OIRA/PIRA/INLA feuds were vicious affairs and although few were killed, they impacted on literally hundreds of people. Beatings, intimidation and terrorising your enemy were ‘part and parcel’. I can understand how they are not forgotten lightly. I was once told that Joe McCann wanted the PIRA ‘dealt with’ before they gathered momentium but this could be bullshit, I don’t know.

I think that many fail to understand impact feuds have on communities. Take the level of hardship caused by say the ongoing gang dispute in Limerick and multiply the effect. Suffice to say the manditory paragraph in recent history books do not reflect the deeply embedded hatred and terror felt on all sides.

The WP position was distorted by the feuds as was PSF’s and the IRSP’s. The WP being the overall losers, became insular and appeared to loose much of its political/agitational activity leaving a viod at local level enthusiastically filled by PSF. WP members need to for safety led to the organisation developing almost a ‘sub culture’ outside of society. They only lived in certain areas, socialised in their own pubs/clubs, sent their children to certain schools etc. I believe there was even two Celtic Supporters Clubs in Belfast, one provo and one stick at one stage.

McCann is mentioned in Kevin Myres book. I think he says that McCann impressed him with his stories but later Myres got wind that he wasn’t telling the truth and decided he was full of s*#t. I reckon McCann was more shrewd than to be revealing his activies to a hack.


16. John O'Neill - September 5, 2007

I forgot to add that McCann was no more or no less a militarist than say Garland so it’s pointless trying to guess where he would be now if he had lived. He could haved stayed in the Officials, gone to the IRSP or be a current SF MLA like a few former Officials.


17. WorldbyStorm - September 5, 2007

Indeed AFAIK the first of OIRA/PIRA etc to be killed by one another was I think Charlie Hughes of PIRA in 1971 during a more limited feud. Broadly speaking yes the feuds shaped thinking, distorted it even as John notes, which is completely human. But there’s little to suggest that anyone was innocent in the process, there was no shortage of opportunism and all suffered grieviously. And adding to what John says about multiplying the situation vis Limerick, add onto that ideological and – well – philosophical positions as deeply rooted as Republicanism and Socialism and suddenly positions and actions can be justified in a way which otherwise would be more difficult with consequent results.

Joe, that line from Martin Lynch is brilliant, and the coda too. Without sounding like a hippy sometimes there was precious little positivity in the WP – just work work work… Would I be wrong to think that you would recall trying to flog papers in the Cedars, and the Foxhound.


18. Garibaldy - September 5, 2007

WBS is right on the chronology, though Hughes was killed only after the Provos had tried to kill Jim Sullivan and I think Billy Mc Millen. I suspect that the vast majority of WP people would be much less likely to take the line intimated here by ex-members that all sides were equally in the wrong. The Provos were hit hard but without it would The WP have been able to survive?

Comments made here on previous stories about DL etc suggest to me that newer members in the south lacked an understanding of experiences in the north. Such comments suggest this was exploited by the De Rossa faction’s scare stories in the run-up to the split, and as a result good socialists who should have stayed were lost. WBS has mentioned the Patterns of Betrayals document. The repeated predictions there about the rush to the Labour Party have proven more than true.

BTW Lynch was perhaps quoting Che on socialism being fundamentally about love. He said something along the lines of the wellspring of being a revolutionary was love for one’s fellow man.


19. chekov - September 6, 2007

“Feuds leave ’scars’ that don’t heal overnight. The OIRA/PIRA/INLA feuds were vicious affairs and although few were killed, they impacted on literally hundreds of people. Beatings, intimidation and terrorising your enemy were ‘part and parcel’. I can understand how they are not forgotten lightly. I was once told that Joe McCann wanted the PIRA ‘dealt with’ before they gathered momentium but this could be bullshit, I don’t know.”

Don’t get me wrong, I amn’t trying to downplay how damaging the feuds must have been. Personally, I’m even amazed that there were enough cool heads about to stop things spinning totally out of control on a few occassions. You had lots of young men with guns having their comrades killed by people they knew who might have lived a few doors down. Really difficult not to seek revenge in such circumstances – on a personal level if not a political level.


20. John O'Neill - September 6, 2007

Garabaldi – I don’t think it’s a matter simply of right or wrong. There are numerous reasons why the feuds were probably inevitable. The chaos that was 1970’s Belfast, the dirty tricks of British Intelligence, a struggle for control of areas, ideological differences, each organisations sense of betrayal by the other one’s, disputed weapons, PIRA/OIRA struggling to be the ‘legitimate heirs’ of the name, and most importantly, vying for the very limited resources (money) required to maintain a paramilitary outfit.


21. WorldbyStorm - September 6, 2007

That’s very true about Hughes. But, the point is that there had been a dynamic of intimidation between both groups prior to that. Equally in the wrong? I don’t know. I wasn’t there – and I don’t mean that as an easy cop-out. But to suggest that one side or another was clearly in the right is a different matter. Nor is it simply an issue of newer members (I joined in 83/84) were somehow lacking in this knowledge.

And here’s another thought. I still, even after all this time, believe the WP, for all its faults was a good and necessary grouping in the 26 during the 1980s since they were the only serious left group (whither Labour or Sinn Féin?) to provide at least the hint of a possible alternative to Thatcherism and Reaganomics. But for some of us who were in the South (and I’m speaking really for myself) it’s impossible a) not to have enormous sympathy with those in the party in the North and what they faced but b) also to see that the WP overshot the runway, as it were, on a host of different issues in respect of the North. The experiences in the North shouldn’t be dismissed, but neither could they be made into an impermeable mass which prevented any movement forward. The Provos might well have been utterly wrong in many instances, but to ignore any aspect of all-island Republicanism as was the line propounded time and again by we know who was an incredible error. I was never much taken by De Rossa et al. But to go with them was simply objective pragmatic politics at that point. The party was going with them for better or worse. It turned out to be worse. To remain with WP would, and I’m certain of this, been more satisfying on many levels. But… I couldn’t do it. And ironically, once De Rossa et al had departed the WP actually shifted towards a left Republicanism it hadn’t enunciated in decades. So yet again I made the wrong choice!


22. WorldbyStorm - September 6, 2007

Incidentally, some of you may have posted comments that haven’t got through. Apologies, had a bit of trouble with the Spam filters which were picking up a lot of comments. Should be sorted now. Any residual problems drop me a line.


23. Joe - September 7, 2007

Garibaldy, I don’t think Martin Lynch referenced Che when he made those comments about socialism and love. I’m sure neither was the first socialist to say it. It’s something socialists don’t say and show often enough. There’s hippy for ye.
My wife, when she wants to gently wind me up a bit, says that when she hears the word socialism, she thinks “misery”. I think it’s a connection that’s somehow automatically made in many people’s minds – think of socialism and you think of drab, dull, Eastern bloc places and lives. How much of that was a successful mindgame of the Western capitalist media and how much a reality?
On the newer, Southern members being fooled by De Rossa et al’s scare stories. I can’t see how such members could have been comfortable staying in the WP. Their natural home was DL. I think I’m sort of saying the split was inevitable. I didn’t go either way. I was tired and it was a good opportunity to drop out. (A prize for whoever can come up with Machiavelli’s excellent denunciatory words about those who stay neutral in a time of crisis.) What I was quite cynical about was the future DL leaders going all shock horror about the existence of OIRA and all that that entailed, when they had been centrally involved in WP for years, knew well in their hearts and souls about OIRA etc (as I believe did most ordinary members) but were happy to tolerate it (and reap the financial benefits for the Party) for so long.


24. Ciarán - September 7, 2007

As an aside, I might be the only contributor from Belfast so has anyone else seen the McCann plaque in Joy Street? It features the image from Inglis’ bakery operation, but for some reason the Starry Plough was replaced by a tricolour.


25. WorldbyStorm - September 7, 2007

Odd. Who was actually behind the plaque – does anyone know?

Incidentally, just wanted to echo Joe’s point. Few enough inside the WP were completely unaware of something going on.


26. Garibaldy - September 10, 2007

The plaque was put up by members of the family, especially I think a sister who is very hostile to The WP. That is why the plaque also says only Staff Captain IRA. It is a case of both studied ambiguity and the re-writing of history. It is an attempt to make him appear more in line with nationalism than socialism.

I think a split was inevitable, as happened in nearly every other European communist party. There was no reason to think such massive developments as the collapse of the USSR and the crisi of socialism wouldn’t affect Ireland, especially when added to the increasing powerlust of the TDs. Rabitte and Gilmore being ambitious opportunists was I think much less of a surprise than those who had been involved with the party since their childhoods. Ego and ambition seem to be the only answers.

WBS said above that DL was the only game in town. I hate to get counter-factual, but Mac Giolla lost his seat by something like 50 votes. I suspect things would look somewhat different had he held the seat, especially in light of what the finances and media profile of one seat have done for the SP. I suspect that much of its lustre

Joe’s point about exhaustion was I think a major factor for many, including in the North. He’s also right about the image problem socialism has in much of the world, but I’m not sure it applies as much in places like Latin America and even places like Greece and Portugal where the CPs organise festivals and there is a different and more celebratory and participatory political culture.

I can’t put my hands on my copies of The Prince and the Discourses so the prize is safe from me at least.


27. WorldbyStorm - September 11, 2007

That’s very telling, isn’t it Garibaldy.

Re the split. I don’t know. 1987-9 had already seen a clear shift by the party towards a more markets accepting stance, while retaining a strong left position. I genuinely think that had the vote gone the other way they would have stayed and the party would have remained a relatively strong force albeit with the divisions even more clear, but factions are nothing new on the left within parties.

In a way I agree with you. Had Mac Giolla, a man I have enormous respect and admiration for, retained his seat it would have been quite difficult for DL, or more difficult. But, for many many members in constituencies like mine where the TD went with DL what was the realistic alternative? Labour? No thanks. Building up the WP when there were no other members interested? Not really a realistic proposition. I think there was a lot of hard choices made unhappily. And yep, the exhaustion issue was significant. While I think the party rode out the storm in the East fairly well it did contribute to a lot of tension and hassle..

Incidentally, that’s an excellent point about more celebratory and participatory political cultures, and strands of socialism. I had a good friend who was in the Italian CP back in the day and the accounts he gave of what that entailed were remarkable and a world away from Irish ‘socialism’.


28. Actors and Actresses » Archive du blog » Myth-making: Political imagery posters from the Troubles and the … - January 5, 2008

[…] / compiled some interesting notes about Myth-making: Political imagery posters from the Troubles and the …Have a look at this […]


29. tony donovan - March 14, 2008

am looking for the name of the photographer
who took the picture of joe mccann
on interment night in august of 1971


30. WorldbyStorm - March 14, 2008

No idea, sorry Tony… does anyone else?


31. Sean Mc Caughey - December 9, 2008

was Liam McMillen not a well respected and forgotten figure that definately shouldn’t have been shot dead ,i heard the day he was shot all republicans were very annoyed as doctor death (Geard Steenson) was not ordered to carry out the killing,just wondering?


32. danny - January 25, 2009

the photo of mc cann was take by french photographers and first appeared in tv i was with joe at the time it was taken


33. WorldbyStorm - January 25, 2009

Very interesting. Was it French TV who first showed it?


34. MaddogWilson - March 7, 2009

Danny, what was the battle about? any details, casualties Etc?


35. Hallmarks of Orange Loyalism – Then (1795) and Now Then (2013) | the mirror@wordpress.com - December 29, 2013

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