Entitled…

Did anyone see the footage of a Texas woman who on entering a bank refused to wear a mask? She was removed by police officers in handcuffs. What was telling was her rhetoric. She said that the police were taking away her human rights, called on others in the bank to assist stating that this was ‘police brutality right here people’ to which she got a resounding ‘No, no its not’ from other customers. One has to wonder could she not have been removed without being handcuffed, but one aspect of that last was her complaint that the bank was a ‘public space’.

I thought that very intriguing, that she would consider perhaps one of the quintessentially private spaces as something other than it was, a space that moreover is subject to strict control up to and including the use of lethal force to maintain its functional integrity. Yet for her the lobby of a bank is a space that is hers, that she has every right to do as she pleases with no consideration or regard for others. This is a fascinating inversion of previous conservative tropes about business places – a sort of libertarian attitude that is actually at odds with what libertarians of the right supposedly would feel (and it sits curiously with the culture wars fought by the right over whether private businesses have an obligation to bake cakes for LGBTQ people). Or perhaps this is where libertarianism itself reaches its limits – any philosophy that has such a limited sense of the common good is sooner or later going to find people who essentially argue that their self-interest trumps quite literally everything else.

And we see a curious echo of this too in the insurrection in January where many of those who entered the Capitol spoke of how this was ‘their’ building. It was also telling to hear the mother of the so-called Q-Shaman saying much the same on media outlets about her son’s entry to that building as if this argument was either logical or reasonable. And as someone on the QAnon Anonymous podcast put it, that argument wouldn’t go far at Fort Knox or any US military base. Or indeed a public library after hours or a Federal building. The list is endless. But the lack of logic is self-evident.

Or perhaps the sheer inconsistency of all this, private spaces regarded as public, public as open to anyone at any time and to any acts carried out within them really speaks of the inchoate nature of those who are involved, that this is no formal ideology (though there are those within their diffuse ranks who have very very clear ideologies) but almost an emotional reaction and response driven by a range of factors – exhibitionism, self-interest, racism and so on. Perhaps taking these statements seriously is missing the point. The ideology of many involved is paper thin – bar clear bigotries of one sort or another, but that doesn’t really matter. Perhaps fundamentally this is about a sense of personal entitlement.

27 thoughts on “Entitled…”

  1. Entitlement is one way of putting it. Mental illness is another. I know it’s dangerous to label political dissent as mental illness, there’s a bad history around that and I don’t want to suggest anything like that history as a way forwards here. What I mean is that mental health and lack thereof is a broad spectrum and there’s no question in my mind that some of the followers of that type of politics are really not as mentally healthy as they could be, that their political outlook has developed alongside a slide in their mental health, and that ultimately the way back out of those rabbit holes is going to require some work on their own behalf to improve that situation. It’s not just stupidity, it’s not just lack of education, it’s not just social alienation, it’s not just poverty, it’s not just entitlement, it’s not just hatred or resentment of the Other, it’s not just being groomed by an intelligent elite behind the on-line conspiracist media outlets, it’s not just cheap lager or illegal drugs being widely available, it’s not just anything, it’s all of those things and more combining to deprive people of a meaning to live their lives with optimism for the future. It’s not just capitalism either obviously. It’s a fucking shite state of affairs to be in, to quote Renton from Trainspotting.

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    1. +1 Yeah, and here let me offer a tiny note of sympathy for some caught up in this. This pandemic is an event like no other in our lifetimes, and yet it comes on foot of Trump (not just Trump but read political instability), years of conspiracy theories on social media, economic dislocation in the wake of the late 2000s and so on. Singly these would be enormously damaging events, we all know people who lost jobs, incomes, houses and so on after the crash, or couldn’t get accommodation, or many other challenges that were near impossible, or were impossible. But all of them in total are a successive series of hammer blows to people. And that has to damage people’s mental health in small ways and big and some people just can’t take it. I sometimes walk down to the shops with a mask on and think it’s like living through a seriously dystopian science fiction film – for some that must be just unendurable and easier to pretend it’s not a problem, or whatever.

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      1. Yes, it’s been a long road for some into that state of mind. I wonder sometimes, in moments of doubt, whether the Far Left has been in some way responsible for encouraging people in that direction? What I mean by that is the fixation with agitation combined with the absence of a positive big picture other than vague slogans. The Far Left has stirred up discontent, organised it to some extent through the anti water charges campaign etc., but failed to channel that into a positive and hopeful project. I’m singling out that particular campaign because I was peripherally involved with it myself, and from early on it was obvious at the public meetings that there were early manifestations of what has led linearly to the Far Right conspiracist stuff that’s going on now, starting with the Freeman Of the Land nonsense which evolved into the Says NO type of anti politics and which has ended up with all the stuff you point to in your OP above. If the Far Left has any responsibility in this it is in letting the genie out of the bottle and encouraging people to ask the questions without really being able to provide those answers completely convincingly for itself. In some cases that may have been naivety on the Far Left’s behalf, but I think there’s something more to it than that, a fixation with agitation, a short sightedness misfocused on growing the party, a revolutionary strategy that embraces acceleration of the immiseration of the masses. There’s a good reason that the PCF was wary of the ’68 events in France, that the PCI was wary of the autonomism that infected Italian politics in the early ’70s, and in part it’s because they knew the dangers of badly managed opposition to the status quo, where that could lead to. I don’t mean to unilaterally blame the Far Left for the rise of the Far Right, that would clearly be a nonsense. But I think it does need to reflect on this question and recognise some truths perhaps.

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        1. To some extent and I have friends more centrally involved in all these who will point to mistakes made and how some inter party competition etc was also a problem and left people without guidance. But given everyone (at least publicly) on the far left supported the campaigns and the variegated ideological perspectives and positions of all those formations clearly it wasn’t just down to a single ideological approach being applied or misapplied. I wonder though if campaigns are ‘controllable’ in the way they were say ten or fifteen or twenty years ago now that social media (yeah, that again) has risen up. I agree completely re the Freeman stuff being an early symptom but given the actual weight of the far left in this society as distinct from its self-perception any campaign would be difficult to keep on the straight and narrow. Perhaps the lack of more union involvement or the fractious nature of the left or … well there’s so many reasons. But assume the far left had stepped back from campaigns which struck a real chord. That would have surely left the likes of the Freemen etc an open goal. Even the French example shows that there were forces way beyond the control of the PCF to corral and that trying to do so was likely going to cause even more trouble (as well as which matters didn’t exactly turn out brilliantly in either example and perhaps if the PCF had got more heavily involved it might have deflected some of the worst that was yet to come – by the way I was surprised reading recently about Baader-Meinhof to see how many came from orthodox CP backgrounds originally).

          All that said there’s one other aspect of the US which struck me this afternoon is key and perhaps why here and elsewhere n Europe the anti-mask and other crews aren’t as strong (at least so far) and that I’d hesitantly suggest is actual somewhat fit for purpose welfare systems. Take the unpredictability and instability out of the equation in the case of unemployment and while people aren’t in great shape that’s one small positive. Whereas in the US state and federal supports are a lot less robust.

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          1. No, I take your point about the CAHWT campaign being widely supported on the Far Left and there being a mix of ideological approaches, but despite that I think there was a vacuum created which wasn’t capable of being filled ideologically or organisationally in any coherent way by all those involved. Again I’m not trying to point fingers at anyone in particular here, but I think the ball was dropped along the way as the initial actors floundered and it was in part picked up by some of the loons who had travelled along with that campaign up to that point. This was really before the social media platforms had come into their own but I recall some of the conversations in the campaign email group, it was definitely a sign of things to come later on. I don’t know the answer to your question about whether a campaign like that is in fact controllable, but that in itself raises a question about whether or not the risks were even understood up front by those involved? I suspect not in that the Far Left just hadn’t had much traction for a long time with its agitation and had forgotten or never knew in the first place what might happen once the lid was taken off. The lack of involvement by the Unions was definitely a problem, in that their more socially weightful influence would have ceratinly changed the nature of the campaign. I suppose that fact in itself would have created strain in that the original initiators of the campaign may not have been willing to let that happen. I’m thinking of some of the rancour around Right2Change which also evolved out of that. I do take your point about the welfare state acting to some degree to take the wind out of the sails of these people, but again I don’t think the problem is only one of social exclusion, and you’re not saying it is of course, and there are no easy fixes. Short of rounding up all the nutters and sending them off to reeducation camps until they see the light, a la Pol Pot. (I don’t actually mean that of course!!!) As I say, no easy fix. We just need to be a bit careful about what we wish for I think.

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          2. You are right that there was a crank element around the fringes of the CAHWT. But a mixture of the same “anti-politics” and conspiratorialism was also present earlier on the fringes of Occupy. And it was if anything a stronger force in the anti-water charges movement.

            I don’t think that your framing about the irresponsible far left versus the responsible unions is particularly accurate though. When the union officials became involved in the anti water charges movement rather than discouraging the crankier element, they tended to find them a useful counterbalance to the far left. The “community pillar” structure the union officials set up, designed essentially to keep an activist constituency separate from and away from the influence of the socialist groups, had the effect of corralling together independent activists, says no people, conspiracy people etc.

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          3. Yes, I’m not suggesting that the union involvement as it happened was necessarily ideal by any means. It could have been done better and the bun fight for organisational influence was far from being useful. Having says that, the failure of the unions to be effectively involved in that campaign doesn’t absolve the Far Left of the sin I’m accusing it of, namely giving momentum to a political force which it didn’t have the capacity to effectively direct away from what were obvious dangers from the start. As you say, those dangers were visible in the ODS situation even before the CAHWT was initiated.

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          4. Sorry, just to widen it slightly, the CAHWT is the specific example which took off but the general problem exists where Far Left groups promote Says No types of opposition for short term political advantage. Getting involved in essentially reactionary campaigns against wind farms or interconnectors or whatever the local unrest happens to be about. It’s silly politics. I’m not accusing all on the Far Left of this, some are clearly more principled than others, but the general absence of strategy of how to build the road to socialism really feeds this problem, it leads to the search for shortcuts and the exploitation of those shortcuts by other actors who have the sort of easy answers and international backing to allow them to jump on those bandwagons once they’re rolling.

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          5. “the general problem exists where Far Left groups promote Says No types of opposition for short term political advantage.“

            The socialist groups weren’t promoting “Says No types of opposition”. They were engaged in campaigns to defend the social wage against cuts and to defend public provision against privatisation. We are talking here about campaigns with specific, limited, practical goals which surely shouldn’t offend the anti “ultra left” sensibilities of even the most cautiously pragmatic Togliattist?

            In so far as these were real movements they tended to also attract every form of oppositional crank. That’s the case with any real movements, with the intensity of the crankiness reflecting the particular social conditions of the time.

            Within those movements, the left groups and the cranks were sworn enemies. It was the left groups they were ranting at when they were spewing nonsense about how “this is a people’s movement not a political movement”. As previously noted the people who offered them a degree of patronage and encouragement weren’t the irresponsible ultra lefts but the union officials, precisely because of their antipathy to the socialist parties.

            I’ve lots of criticisms of various things the socialist groups did in those campaigns. Some of which I had at the time, others of which are retrospective. But the idea that they deliberately encouraged the crank element, or adopted their style of politics just doesn’t fit with my experience at all. And the argument that they are somehow to blame because cranks attached themselves to progressive struggles they were involved in strikes me as an argument against fighting on any issue.

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          6. Just to come back to the specific aren’t there differences between Ireland and the US. In the latter there was little or no left influence as with Ireland and the problem of unconstrained extremism is considerably worse in the US which perhaps suggests that the left and far left didn’t do so bad a job. Of course there are many factors in play, politically and culturally, but it is important not to overstate the problem in Ireland in relation to negative outcomes from protests. I wonder if the pandemic has been the additional spur to some groups but so far they’re still pretty marginal though I guess tomorrow we might see some more hassle.

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        2. I think there’s something in what you say but the PCF and PCI did not offer a positive alternative but essentially in practice a social democratic offering. And the results of their direction were equally disastrous, leading to the current situation today where the PCF is a shadow of its former self and the PCI lives on in the form of the pro-capitalist, social liberal Democratic Party.
          In fact there’s some evidence that it is specifically the failures of those parties, rather than anything the radical left did, that contributed to the rise of far-right: hence the drift of voters from the PCF to the FN etc.

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          1. There’s a huge amount in what you’ve said there. I don’t think it was a failure of the PCI in particular that created the opportunity for the rise of the Far Right in Italy. That’s plainly incorrect. The PCI certainly didn’t contain the autonomism of the Far Left but despite that it was incredibly hegemonic within Italian Left and popular politics and culture. It’s impossible to please everyone all the time and the PCI concentrated itself correctly in my opinion in successfully winning the middle ground in italy and by doing so it pulled the centre Leftwards. That to my mind was and is a better strategy than pandering to the ultra Left currents who are impossible to satisfy. Also this was within a generation since actual fascism in power in italy, when the remnants of that were still influential within the state and society. If the PCI can be accused of Left reformism I’d like to see a more convincing strategy espoused of how to travel a road to socialism in the circumstances of that time. They attempted to deflate the hot autumn factory strikes because they considered it inappropriate for those circumstances and would lend support to anti communist reaction at a time when it was more important to build bridges towards the centre and to further isolate those historical anti communist forces.

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          2. But there is a direct connection, as the PCI degenerated and finally collapsed into social liberalism, the way was opened for the gradual growth of the far right- see the huge inroads the Lega has made in former Red strongholds.

            On a more general level, the left-reformist project invariable just ends up being just centre left reformism. If it starts with the express objective of gradually replacing capitalism, that objective soon disappears and the only thing that remains is to get into government to (maybe) implement limited reforms. So it ends up not being part of any recognizable socialist project, since the socialist project by definition aims at replacing capitalism.

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          3. The other thing that strikes me is that the far left wasn’t being impossibilist in its goals in the two largest recent campaigns – under on water it essentially won! This isn’t to say elements haven’t been impossibilist in the past but the purchase of such campaigns more generally was much smaller. Indeed I’m wracking my brains to think what serious campaign we’ve seen in the last decade or two where goals were unachievable (I guess in a sense the Iraq War but the key there was to show the disagreement with the War, not to prevent it as such or to keep the UK out which was perhaps feasible but obviously didn’t happen).

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          4. the Italian pro-capitalist, social liberal Democratic Party (Partito Democratico) has just re-appointed Enrico Letta (former PM, now lecturer in a Paris University) as its head.
            A lot of Italians are asking what the PD actually stands for and what it offers voters.
            38% of its members and supporters are aged 65+ ( compared with an average of 23% for other parties across the board). Younger supporters have joined the Sardines movement which seems more active and radical.
            Rumours are the PD wants to enter into some sort of joint venture/alliance with the 5Star movement to try and enlarge its pool of voters.
            Pier Luigi Bersani, a former leader who has left the party said he was willing to work for a sort of united left front which even included Matteo Renzi but wouldn’t re-join PD even though Letta was one of his oldest and dearest friends.

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    2. I feel like this discussion has drifted into debate about things I wasn’t emphasiing in my original comment. That’s the nature of online conversation of course. I hear everything people are saying here. Are people also hearing what I’m saying, that the red pilling of people, as it’s referred to, whether done by those on the Left it the Right can have harmful effects on the mental health of some of those people who for whatever complex mix of reasons peculiar to themselves embrace the rejection of those things which were previously settled in their minds, or repressed perhaps, and are then released to cause emotional turmoil? Surely people recognize this, no? I mean you can acknowledge it without drawing a conclusion that all resistance to the status quo must be avoided, it’s not black and white.

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      1. Absolutely agree – and all groups and parties have to be aware of it. But it does raise really interesting questions, for example how widespread is that dynamic and what are the effects and how much blame can be placed at the doorstep of individual parties and is it so problematic that it can and should halt parties getting involved in campaigns? Or to put it another way what campaigns or parties in the last two decades raised unreasonable or impossible to achieve outcomes and directly energised some to go much further due to their own personal circumstances – or would the Freeman and similar crews have likely always done their own thing anyhow due to the broader circumstances. I think there’s a distinction to be drawn between campaign demands – marriage equality, abolition of water charges and certain taxation and say overthrow of the system. That latter is a fairly explicit goal of the radical and far left (with only (!) the means at issue) but that’s a step back from the campaigns and I don’t know that Freman were influenced by say the idea of ‘permanent revolution’ or the idea of the march to state power. Perhaps, and this isn’t finger pointing , some of the Occupy approaches might have had more purchase on attitudes, indirectly, or more superheated rhetoric about immediate transformation, but really taxes and charges are more banal. But the whole trajectory of the Freeman/trending far right groups and what impels them is fascinating and I do think they were impelled by something you touch on – the sense of imminent economic and social collapse from 2008 or so on and how that played out for some of them (and in fairness some heavy impacts, homes lost etc). Got to say this is an under considered area.

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          1. Oh it’s chaotic alright. I really liked it, not what he was attempting to say, whatever that was, because he was all over the place with his narrative, but how he said it was very compulsive viewing. I haven’t heard anyone say that he made a good job of the program, but I wouldn’t consider it wasted hours sitting through it either. But a big pinch of salt with it.

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          2. Ah, that’s good, that point re pinch of salt was my initial response – there was a shot of 1930s America and the music was all doomy and I thought you could put in a cheerful song underneath it and the visual would be completely different. So his framing is a big part of it, but very intriguing stuff.

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      2. Your absolutely right to emphasis the mental health aspects, Alan. These mental health problems result from the capitalist world and its injuries to a large extent, IMO. For who can remain mentally healthy all the time in such a world?

        A ‘rational’ or ‘natural’ mood response to a system that kills and damages so many people and that is destroying the planetary eco-systems on which we depend, is at least deep depression. Along with a certain paranoia – the system is indeed out to damage you.

        Many of the people I know who got sucked into various right-wing mostly online closed worlds have suffered from extreme versions of the general paranoia.

        Only the strong amongst us can fight against that all the time.

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  2. When the numbers of the motley crew who descended on Congress were analysed after, the claims of far-right conspiracies were undermined somewhat, a few were from the Proud Boys and the like but most were unaligned. A fair amount of Beautiful Boater petit-bourgeoisie, some oddballs. Heard someone say the Q Anon thing isn’t a revolutionary swell, it’s dimestore Gnosticism, looking for somebody to reaffirm their faith in their institutions. All those in Congress videoing themselves for instance. And yeh, the one vague outlook in common of a sense of entitlement, don’t think they see themselves as downtrodden masses, more a Nixonian outlook maybe

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    1. ” Nearly 60 percent of the people facing charges related to the Capitol riot showed signs of prior money troubles, including bankruptcies, notices of eviction or foreclosure, bad debts, or unpaid taxes over the past two decades, according to a Washington Post analysis of public records for 125 defendants with sufficient information to detail their financial histories.”
      https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2021/02/10/capitol-insurrectionists-jenna-ryan-financial-problems/

      ” An abiding sense of loyalty to the fringe online conspiracy movement known as QAnon is emerging as a common thread among scores of the men and women from around the country arrested for their participation in the deadly U.S. Capitol insurrection, court records reveal.”
      https://abcnews.go.com/US/qanon-emerges-recurring-theme-criminal-cases-tied-us/story?id=75347445

      ” The victory of fascism was made practically unavoidable by the liberals’ obstruction of any reform involving planning, regulation, or control.” – Karl Polanyi, 1944

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  3. Some on the left are a step away from reality.The group “Rosa NI” held a “reclaim the streets ” protest in Belfast after the murder of Sarah Everard.A protest that anybody can support and even if it broke covid regulations ,I would say it was understandable and should face no sanction.However when someone starts to talk bollocks about “challenging Stormont to end gender violence” that it starts to grate.Stormont is guilty of many things but I dont think the centuries old disgrace of violence against women can be laid at its door.

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    1. Key is the point that it’s not just institutional change that is necessary, though institutional support (and some change) is essential, but broad based societal change – attitudinal change where by people don’t accept intolerable behaviours from some men and that means other men calling them out. Where Stormont can help is by putting its weight behind campaigns about this and supports for women who are survivors of this and preventative measures too.

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