Well he would say that, wouldn’t he?

The day has arrived, step forward Jon Burrows as leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, and with him Diana Armstrong, deputy leader, both now ratified in those positions.

And a right new day it is, if he is to be believed:

peaking to the media alongside Ms Armstrong, Mr Burrows said the party would now return to the “front foot”.

He said: “Politics has stalled in this place, Stormont is not delivering and keeping up with the advances that have been made elsewhere in Northern Ireland in our vibrant economy and we need to look at why that is.”

He added: “This is a new chapter for the Ulster Unionist Party, we are going to confidently go out engage our communities, provide the leadership that unionism needs, be sure-footed, not make the strategic big mistakes and deliver for the people of Northern Ireland.

“Lead change in what needs to be done at Stormont and project Northern Ireland and its part in the United Kingdom to the global stage.”

Mr Burrows added: “We are here to do business, to get things done, to find solutions and that is what you are going to have as we start preparing to lead unionism in Northern Ireland again.”

Given that he has been a member of the party for just about a year and was co-opted onto his current seat, that’s quite some ambition. And one might reasonably wonder at some of the reasons he offers for believing his rhetoric.

Mr Burrows pointed to the success of Reform UK, which had “come from nowhere” to lead in the opinion polls.

Though the Ulster Unionist Party is not a name unknown to most interested in politics.

What to make of this?

Over the last six months, Mr Burrows quickly became one of the most outspoken MLAs.

He has been critical of Sinn Féin, accusing them of “interference in policing”, opposed the “distortion of history” around Northern Ireland’s troubled past, advocated for prison dog Bailey at Magilligan and taken part in some sharp exchanges in the chamber. 

Flood warnings: Shoot the messenger?

Living in an area which is threatened by floods, where getting home insurance for floods has been a trial, where houses have been flooded in the last decade and a half, and where the local park was flooded only last week, tends to concentrate the mind on the issue.

Which makes the complaints about Met Éireann seem oddly beside the point. As noted on RTÉ:

Met Éireann says that its head of forecasting, Eoin Sherlock, told the National Emergency Co-ordination Group that there was a “high likelihood” of river flooding and surface flooding in parts of Leinster and Munster, on Monday afternoon – before Storm Chandra struck later that evening.

It follows comments from the Minister for Housing and Local Government, James Browne, yesterday, who said the forecaster was “guarding information” on flood risks.

The Minister who has responsibility for the National Emergency Co-ordination Group (NECG) said Met Éireann needed to “step up its communication with the public”.

Yet in retrospect it is clear that Met Éireann has provided information, it is other bodies who have not used or passed it on. Bodies with which the Minister has communication.

However, Mr Sherlock added that last Monday communications to the public had been made. “The expected impacts and flooding risks, including mention of river levels and soil saturation, were communicated to the public through a commentary on our website, social-media channels, bulletins and media interviews,” Mr Sherlock added.

In an answer to a Dáil question last December the Minster James Browne explained how the current system of communicating more detailed localised information on flood risks works.

“Met Éireann’s Flood Forecasting Centre provides daily guidance and targeted advisories to the National Directorate for Fire and Emergency Management within my Department as well as local authorities and emergency responders across Ireland,” he said.

This information passed on to local authorities and emergency responders is however technical information needing interpretation by engineers and technicians, which is why it is currently only sent to those services directly.

More direct communication with the public will come in phase two of the development of National Flood Forecasting and Warning Service, according to the Minster’s statement to the Dáil last December.

Minister Browne said that “A public flood warning system, capable of providing localised alerts to people in high-risk flood zones, will be developed as part of the broader National Flood Forecasting and Warning Service. This development will be built on an expanded river and coastal observation network.”

Phase two of the NFFWS, which is estimated to take several years to complete has not yet begun, however.

Minister Browne explained last month that “a Memorandum to Government for a decision to agree to the Stage II Plan, seeking a commitment from Government to resourcing the delivery of the Stage II Plan for the NFFWS”.

Well I never. There’s a surprise.

But there’s a deeper issue too – because having pushed sandbags into position quite a few times to protect houses, there’s another angle on this. The development of housing and other buildings in areas in such a way as to exacerbate floods.

As noted in The Irish Times by John Sweeney is emeritus professor in the department of Geography at Maynooth University:

In a disaster, the skeleton of society is laid bare. Politicians need scapegoats when their inability to make hard strategic decisions is exposed. Whether it be Met Éireann, the Habitats Directive, the freshwater pearl mussel, civil society groups, or local authority officials, blame has to be ascribed somewhere. But who rezoned the floodplains, who allowed housing closer to river banks than was wise, who has drastically underfunded climate-adaptation measures for the past 20 years?

Who indeed?

More names from the Epstein files

It’s a bit incredible, reading the names of those caught up in the Epstein morass. George Mitchell, Branson, Bannon, and on it goes. Everywhere there are people crowding in – people on the left, right and centre and hard right.

And then there’s this character – one P. Mandelson.

Peter Mandelson is facing a possible police investigation into his alleged leak of market-sensitive information to Jeffrey Epstein at the height of the financial crisis.

New disclosures from the Epstein files appear to show Mandelson sent a string of emails to the late sex offender containing confidential information that the government was receiving to deal with the global crash while he was business secretary under Gordon Brown.

Keir Starmer has ordered an investigation by the cabinet secretary and demanded Mandelson resign from the House of Lords. Brown has also asked the cabinet secretary to investigate the alleged leaks to Epstein.

MPs lined up in parliament on Monday to express fury over Mandelson’s apparent willingness to share British government papers with the disgraced US financier.

The SNP and Reform UK have reported Mandelson to the police for misconduct in a public office. Emily Thornberry, the Labour chair of the foreign affairs select committee, also said she believed his actions should merit a criminal inquiry.

And:

Emails forwarded to Epstein from the very top of the UK government include:

  • A confidential UK government document outlining £20bn in asset sales.
  • Mandelson claiming he was “trying hard” to change government policy on bankers’ bonuses.
  • An imminent bailout package for the euro the day before it was announced in 2010.
  • A suggestion that the JPMorgan boss “mildly threaten” the chancellor.

One former adviser described the conduct as “treacherous” and said they hoped the police would investigate. “You can imagine the sense of betrayal that those of us who worked every hour of the day during that crisis are feeling,” they said.

This, let us remind ourselves, was the person thought best fitted by Keir Starmer to send to Washington a year ago to placate Trump.

Did it ever strike Mandelson to refuse, to reflect on what might come out should emails see the light of day? Did it ever strike any of them?

That said, in truth the political impacts of all this appear limited. For example all those on the MAGA right and conspiratorial wing of politics appear to be almost cowed by the reality of an actual conspiracy with a billionaire at its heart, one that involved the trafficking of women and girls. Perhaps part of that is the fact that so many individuals who they laud are connected through meetings, friendship and so on with Epstein.

But by rights surely all those who fell or pushed themselves within his orbit should be regarded with considerable scepticism, no? Or perhaps, at this point, the political impacts will be a couple of steps back from front line politicians, but surely this must weaken those who were so happy to be seen with or around Epstein?

There’s also this particular angle on the story.

Prominent members of Norway’s elite, including the crown princess, a former prime minister who later headed the Nobel committee and the head of the World Economic Forum, have been ensnared by the Jeffrey Epstein scandal. The country’s most prominent diplomats were also mentioned in the latest emails published by the US department of justice on Friday.

The involvement of Norwegian crown princess Mette-Marit — who exchanged more than 100 friendly emails with the convicted sex offender and stayed at one of his homes — adds to a deepening set of scandals for Norway’s royal family. Mette-Marit will see her first son go on trial on Tuesday facing 38 charges, including rape and drug offences. 

Elites from many countries, especially the US and UK, have been caught up in the growing Epstein scandal. But the sheer number of Norwegians has raised eyebrows in the rich Scandinavian country of just 5.5 million people.

Reading just a few emails that were exchanged what strikes one is the neediness on display, the remarkable openness to flattery, the complete lack of scepticism expressed with regard to the motivations on all sides and beneath that the sense that everyone is trying to get ahead through attaching themselves to power, money or supposed station in life. Those with titles seem fascinated by those with money, and vice versa. If this is what it is like being a part of the ‘elite’ it seems a rather drab and joyless existence stuck within a dynamic where those involved appear to be continually trying to grab or expand influence.

Our supposed ‘left-of-centre’ government(s)

The internet/social media, even traditional media, is very deceptive in terms of how a spotlight is pulled onto a certain area and focused on it. Hence all those calls for a PD MkII, or in its newer iteration a far right party.

The fact we haven’t had one is taken as indicative that we should have one. But that’s a curious way of looking at Irish politics. By the same logic we should have had a large social democratic party, and yet we never did, and while some talked of us having one I don’t recall there being much of a push in the commentariat for such a party. 

So for class and other reasons the direction of travel is clear – politics to the right is embraced, seen as ’normal’, and if that politics tilts rightwards, that is quite natural, if at times unfortunate.

By contrast, politics to the left is seen as abnormal, and those smaller parties who do not fall in line with this dynamic, in terms of, say, coalition building which always supports the right, are ’not playing senior hurling’. 

That elections have demonstrated an enduring, and arguably increasing, left vote is ignored. Even the simple reality that the Labour Party (to take just one example) has survived the predictions of its demise and seemingly radicalised its position on a number of areas is similarly ignored. That the Social Democrats can increase their poll rating into double digits is unremarked, though that’s no small achievement at a time when Sinn Féin is also increasing their poll rating. That the cumulative left vote, even of those three parties alone, outweighs that of the government parties similarly is of little interest to a commentariat that almost overwhelmingly trends right at all times.

It has been noted in comments how few openly left wing newspaper columnists there are and too often there’s a sort of confusion between liberal and left-wing in this area. Sure, there are liberal columnists, and a fair number of them but that liberalism tends, much of the time to be in social areas. Less evident is a willingness to address, let alone question, economic tropes.

Consider a quite remarkable fact that was put to me recently. Two Iona members have regular newspaper columns. Sure, one could argue that one of them is economically slightly more progressive than the other, but putting that aside, one would search in vain for their equivalent from a left wing background. Also worth noting that the confusion between liberal and left-wing (a confusion in part imported from elsewhere) has been quite expedient in terms of marginalising those whose focus is economically left-wing.

All this has an impact.

The near idiotic line that we have a left-wing government or that the governing parties are essentially ‘social democrat’ is trotted out as if it is an eternal truth, the fact that the state spends money somehow validating that idea. That this is the most facile of analyses is ignored, it’s apparently too complex to consider that how a state spends its money is as important and often more so than that it does so (and one need only look at the US for an example of massive military expenditures). For example, the situation in housing where grants and support for the private sector – an approach that has failed time and again, is chosen instead of placing the weight of the state behind house building directly. No leftist would argue that the former approach is left wing but somehow commentator after commentator in our media appears unapologetic about doing so.

Similarly with health, similarly with cost of living measures. The list continues.

Pat Leahy had his single transferable column on just this matter the other day where he wrote:

How many times have you heard or seen a news programme that follows this template: a story about failures in public services, supported by testimony from people of how they have been failed, and experts that point out the need for further State investment; Opposition TDs and interest groups amplifying the call for further spending; followed by a Minister insisting that the Government has actually spent lots but is committed to spending more.

Why does nobody ever say: Woah! Hold on! There are financial constraints here. We can’t have everything we want when we want it.

No: the solution is always: spend more public money.

And:

To reiterate a point repeatedly made here: if there is a shock to the public finances, the people hurt the most will be the most vulnerable, because they rely on the State most. The parties who purport to speak for their interests should be the ones most concerned at the precariousness of our fiscal and budgetary model. The opposite is the case.

But the responsibility for running stable, sustainable and resilient public finances is the Government’s.

Yes, it is important to understand the pressures on politicians. Yes, voters clamour for more spending. Yes, our political culture seems irretrievably short-termist. But ultimately, if it all goes pear-shaped, “they made me do it” is not a defence to anything.

Note how this is framed as voters ‘clamouring’ for more spending, seemingly unreasonably in their short-termism. What Leahy et al ignore is that this is a state with a history of chronic underinvestment in public services, infrastructure and other areas such as health, education and so on. Simply to catch up with our peers demands huge expenditures, not to mention (though tellingly he doesn’t) a significantly increased population which brings with it its own pressures on all the above. Remarkably, he talks about ‘how we can’t have everything we want when we want it’. But given that so little was afforded to citizens across those many decades, that’s a thin defence for a state which as he notes himself is vastly more wealthy than it has ever been. And it’s not just an aversion to expenditure.

There is this too from him:

There are practically never any calls in the Dáil for the Government to spend less: only to spend more. Almost the entirety of our political debate revolves around demanding that the Government spend more money. 

On and on it goes, every day, every week: more spending is the only solution to every problem facing the country. Never reform; never a change in priorities; never getting more from existing spending. Just more, more, more.

What are the alternative ‘solutions’? Private sector interventions that as we have seen here and abroad appear designed to fleece the state? Not a good idea. Making do without? Really? In a complex society that needs stability and security for citizens given how much is given over to private interests? At root the argument seems to be one where those ingrates asking for more will only waste it. Not that we need – in order to provide some pretty basic elements of life: housing, health, education, welfare and yes, opportunity for work – a state that can and does spend money as necessary.

Notable also is how this framing places certain approaches outside the political norm. You want a state led construction company, you want nationalised health care, you think state education for all is a positive, you think rents should be regulated with the long term welfare of those who must pay rent in mind, you wish to maintain services under public control and ownership? Think again, that’s crazy talk. Spend-thrift madness, at best.

But don’t worry, our ‘centrist’, even left-of-centre Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael parties, will ensure all is well. And if they don’t, what matter if those further to the right enter the picture? After all, apparently that’s the real void in Irish politics, despite this being a state where there has – let us remind ourselves, never been a left-led, let alone entirely left-wing comprised, government. Where the closest was a patchy coalition led by our slightly more right of centre party with Labour and Democratic Left. Many of us were there at the time to see that. It was not the dawn of a socialist millennium. It was hardly distinguishable from governments that came before and governments that came after.

In a way this is an expedient line. The state is spending too much! The governing parties are governing like social democrats! That’s why the state is spending too much! There’s no difference between FG and FF and SF and the LP and SDs! Why bother voting for the latter three? Stop complaining! And on and on it goes.

Special advisors to the Taoiseach and Tánaiste

As the Irish Times notes there are:

19 Spads, or special advisers, working for the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste. A further two Spads are assigned to central Government roles for the group of Independent Ministers who are supporting the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael Coalition. This total of 21 Spads covers only central Government. Each Minister also has at least one special adviser of their own.

No doubt others have noted this, but at least nine of them have had journalist, media or columnist backgrounds of one sort or another.

Left Archive: Posters from United Against Racism/PBP, 2024

Please click here to go the Left Archive.

To download these posters please click on the following link:

Many thanks to the person who forwarded these posters to the Archive. Dating from 2024 they were posted in Trinity College Dublin and both are linked to United Against Racism, the campaigning group which is associated with People Before Profit.

As noted on their Facebook page: UNITED AGAINST RACISM is a membership based grass-root, democratic organisation

The posters advertise a PBP organised talk with Cllr. Daragh Adelaide, UAR spokesperson and a counter demonstration at the Custom House calling for ‘Far Right off our Streets’.

No Future: Punk in the UK 1976-84 – Seminar

Noted by Joe Mooney, this looks like it could be interesting to many. I like the fact it draws that time line out across eight years. Always thought those who saw punk as 76-77 missed out on a lot that happened subsequently, or was inflected by it (and not necessarily with respect to post-punk).

May be an image of text that says "Centre for the Sciences of Place & Memory Hybrid Seminar 18:00 (UK), 17 Feb 2026 No Future: Punk in the UK, 1976-84 NO FUTURE"

No Future: Punk in the UK, 1976–84

In this talk, Professor Matthew Worley examines how British punk claimed relevance to the time and place in which it emerged, and how it has continued to circulate in popular memory. The talk considers punk’s engagement with media, politics and society, and the structures of feeling through which it has been recalled.

Drawing on punk’s formation and spread, it reflects on attempts to capture mood and affect — from Malcolm McLaren and Vivienne Westwood’s SEX to punk’s longer imprint on the British psyche into the 1980s and beyond.

📅 Tue 17 Feb 2026

⏰ 17:30 arrival for refreshments | 18:00–19:30 seminar

📍 Collective Architecture, 13 Bath Street, Glasgow

Hybrid event (in person & online)

👉 Register now https://forms.gle/fHHborG35KCZZ862A