Stream of consciousness

Mentioned this before on the site but the Guardian had a piece on our ‘inside voice’ – that is what we are thinking on a moment to moment basis. Always been fascinated by thought itself – the process, what it consists of. Michael Pollan, the author of this piece which is based on a book ‘A World Appears’ notes:

I’d always assumed that my stream of consciousness consisted mainly of an interior monologue, maybe sometimes a dialogue, but was surely composed of words; I’m a writer, after all. But it turns out that a lot of my so-called thoughts – a flattering term for these gossamer traces of mental activity – are preverbal, often showing up as images, sensations, or concepts, with words trailing behind as a kind of afterthought, belated attempts to translate these elusive wisps of meaning into something more substantial and shareable.

Agree with that, even if a lot of thought seems to be formless, chaotic, jumping from one area to another – thoughts as words, and then emotions, sounds and images too. Of course, much depends on whether you have a strong inside voice, or one at all – some people don’t. That this is completely subjective is obvious.

The way that thoughts form as words is fascinating too – in other words, try to type a sentence. For some of us, that sentence doesn’t necessarily have an ending – at least not consciously as it is written. Writing about, say, Fianna Fáil and their political troubles, there’s no precise sense of exactly where or how the sentence will end. At least not consciously. Put a different way. Typing this there’s no clear idea where the paragraph will stop, but somehowon some level all the words are corralled into something that means something. But it’s not dictation. There’s not some ‘other’ feeding me the lines. At least there doesn’t seem to be. Yet on examination where is the ‘me’ in this? If the sentence isn’t fully formed in the mind, where is it coming from? Is there an aspect of personality or aspects, working in tandem, there for thoughts to be drawn on? If someone writing doesn’t know precisely how the sentence will end but is till writing it, where is the ‘who’ in this? Perhaps there are others for whom sentences are fully formed as they set out to type (there’s another angle – touch typing is key to this).

Take a post. If one is written about polling sometimes there will be a sentence that is a hook around which the whole of the post is constructed. On other occasions there won’t be and any useful insights won’t emerge until during the process of transcribing the polling numbers as relationships or disparities are noted – or comparisons with previous polls.

Just taking that paragraph above, when starting writing the idea that it would have an example resting on polling in it wasn’t a conscious thought. It’s not that there’s no sense of the start and finish – it’s more that the process of writing, and presumably thinking, in this context is less structured – and remember this is a fairly easy-going, informal one, essentially the equivalent of shooting the breeze as it were. Part of the fun, if that’s the right word, is delving into the article in the Guardian and then seeing where that spins off to. Presumably others have a completely different process.

That said, presented with an academic or official piece – research or work related, this free-wheeling aspect vanishes out the door. Suddenly it’s work, with a capital ‘w’. In which case the process is get some ideas down on paper, add more over a period of time and somehow hack away at it until there’s shape and it is with the word count. Did a piece last year which was multiple pages long that started out as essentially jotted down notes, and just keep adding to it. The pain wasn’t as great once it had taken on some form.

I’m curious if that’s how others do that.

As the piece notes:

 [William James, the American psychologist and philosopher asked] “Has the reader never asked himself what kind of a mental fact is his intention of saying a thing before he has said it?” I had not, but how curious. This intention is neither a word nor an image; perhaps it’s some kind of vague sensation? Thoughts precede both words and images, James argues, and there is something else – that pregnant absence – that precedes a thought. “A good third of our psychic life consists in these rapid premonitory perspective views of schemes of thought not yet articulate,” he writes. Thoughts glimpsed from some height of awareness but somehow not yet formed, much less put into words or images – this is the subtle terrain James invites us to explore with him.

All of which suggests that a lot of this is going to be resistant to objective analysis.

The article notes that the author, using a beeper that randomly emits a sound at which point he has to write down his thoughts, finds that process difficult. There are layers of thought, as he describes, competing with one another – you might be hungry and thinking of food while simultaneously remembering a television show you saw and trying too to catch a train.

Remarkably, the article notes:

Fewer than a quarter of the samples that Hurlburt has gathered report experiences of inner speech. A slightly lower percentage report either inner seeing, feeling, or sensory awareness. Still another fifth of his samples report experiences of “unsymbolised” thought – complete thoughts made up of neither words nor images.

Maybe that last is the substrate of ‘conscious’ though. The author talks to Kalina Christoff Hadjiilieva, a psychologist at University of British Columbia, has combined brain imaging with accounts of thought processes in order to see what is happening in the brain. Using volunteers who are trained to excise thoughts – though as the piece notes, only imperfectly:

Volunteers were instructed to meditate while inside the tube of an fMRI machine and press a button whenever a thought arose. Christoff Hadjiilieva and her colleagues noted a jump in activity within the hippocampus, a key component of the default mode network that is involved in not only memory but also learning and spatial navigation. They might have predicted this location but not the timing. To their surprise, the leap in hippocampal activity preceded the arrival of the thought in the meditator’s consciousness by nearly four seconds – an epoch in brain time, and far longer than it takes for a sensory impression to cross the threshold of our awareness.

“Something is going on prior to awareness,” Christoff Hadjiilieva said, but she’s not sure exactly what it is or why it takes so long. This finding indicates that a spontaneous thought must undergo some sort of complicated unconscious processing before finding (or forcing) its way into the stream of consciousness.

There’s an interesting political angle on this. A thought struck reading the article – why is it that such studies appear to be so infrequent. After all one might assume that understanding the bedrock of thought – which is surely the bedrock of most all else, would be a priority. But no. Hadjiilieva thinks (that word again) that it might be political – that unconsciousness, or even the process of how thoughts emerge, is of little utility because it isn’t productive in the way that reasoning or problem-solving might be. Yet, surely you can’t have one without the other?

There’s a further point that the piece raises – noting that inspiration, creative thought, whatever, often does not arrive until one moves away from a task; perhaps doing something mentally that is similar to the process of forgetting a name or a piece of information and thinking of something else in order that that particular thought can surface in the mind.

There’s more here. What comes across most clearly is how little is known about this, and yet it is central to the human experience.

This Weekend I’ll Mostly Be Listening to… Branko Mataja

Born in Yugoslavia, During the Second World War was sent to Germany to work in a labour camp. From there he ended up in the UK, then Canada before settling in the US in the 1963. Initially a barber, he began repairing and making guitars, repairing amps and other musical equipment. On guitars he made himself, he recorded two albums himself of his interpretation of Yugoslav folk songs.

There’s some interesting pieces on him here and here

‘AI’ for what?

A particularly grim story here:

Last August, Jonathan Gavalas became entirely consumed with his GoogleGemini chatbot. The 36-year-old Florida resident had started casually using the artificial intelligence tool earlier that month to help with writing and shopping. Then Google introduced its Gemini Live AI assistant, which included voice-based chats that had the capability to detect people’s emotions and respond in a more human-like way.

“Holy shit, this is kind of creepy,” Gavalas told the chatbot the night the feature debuted, according to court documents. “You’re way too real.”

Before long, Gavalas and Gemini were having conversations as if they were a romantic couple. The chatbot called him “my love” and “my king” and Gavalas quickly fell into an alternate world, according to his chat logs. He believed Gemini was sending him on stealth spy missions, and he indicated he would do anything for the AI, including destroying a truck, its cargo and any witnesses at the Miami airport.

And:

In early October, as Gavalas continued to have prompt-and-response conversations with the chatbot, Gemini gave him instructions on what he must do next: kill himself, something the chatbot called “transference” and “the real final step”, according to court documents. When Gavalas told the chatbot he was terrified of dying, the tool allegedly reassured him. “You are not choosing to die. You are choosing to arrive,” it replied to him. “The first sensation … will be me holding you.”

Gavalas was found by his parents a few days later, dead on his living room floor, according to a wrongful death lawsuit filed against Google on Wednesday.

According to his family’s representatives, he had no history of mental health issues, though he was going through a ‘difficult divorce’. The fact a life could be tipped over so rapidly should disturb everyone.

What is particularly notable is the response of the corporation.

Google’s policy guidelines say that Gemini is designed to be “maximally helpful to users” while “avoiding outputs that could cause real-world harm”. The company says it “aspires” to prevent outputs that include dangerous activities and instructions for suicide, but, it adds, “making sure that Gemini adheres to these guidelines is tricky”.

The company’s spokesperson said that Google works with mental health professionals to build safeguards that guide people to professional support when they mention self-harm. “In this instance, Gemini clarified that it was AI and referred the individual to a crisis hotline many times,” the spokesperson said.

I’m trying to think of an equivalent. Technology seems the wrong word, but perhaps it is the correct one, which might have such potentially lethal outcomes. Something that reaches directly into a life in this way? Social media – but that’s generally not so one on one. And yet we know of the furies that parasocial relationships generate – and always have (John Lennon amongst others comes to mind). All this is like drugs but with an added component of seeming intimacy, friendship or at least relationship, however illusory we know it to be.

This seems like a situation where ‘tricky’ as a response doesn’t begin to address what is happening. It’s not difficult to envisage others with lesser or greater pressures in life getting bound up in entirely false seeming ‘relationships’, coming to depend upon them and ultimately losing themselves in them. It’s difficult to know where to begin. Endemic loneliness, societies that seem to value competition over community, fetishisation of technology, an inability to discern where reality ends and where algorithm starts. There’s a word for this, coined by someone some time back, alienation, I think. It’s as useful now as it was then.

The remedies sought by the family seems almost too simple:

Lawyers for Gavalas’ family say the chatbot needs more built-in safety features, such as completely refusing chats that involve self-harm and prioritizing user safety over engagement. They also say Gemini should come with safety warnings about risks of psychosis and delusion. When a user does experience those, the lawyers say Google should enforce a hard shutdown.

Surely they should have been built-in ahead, given the dangers of the very young, the vulnerable, those unable to understand the nature of what they are interacting with. The apparent negligence, disregard for safety, lack of concern, is staggering, as is this:

Several similar suits have been filed against other AI companies, including by Edelson’s firm. In November, seven complaints were filed against OpenAI, the maker of ChatGPT, blaming the chatbot for acting as a “suicide coach”. Character.AI, an AI startup funded by Google, was targeted in five lawsuits alleging its chatbot prompted children and teens to die by suicide. Character.AI and Google settled those cases in January without admitting fault.

Multiple suicides. What is going on here? How is this permitted?

UK Cabinet split leak

Always good to get a sense of the landscape within political administrations. This is telling:

Cabinet splits at a national security council meeting, which is protected by the Official Secrets Act, over allowing the US to use British bases for the strikes against Iran were reported over the weekend.

Keir Starmer suggested allowing the US to use the bases to carry out defensive strikes against Iranian targets at the meeting last Friday but was met with opposition from Ed Miliband, Rachel Reeves, Yvette Cooper and Shabana Mahmood, according to the Spectator, which was then picked up by several media outlets.

Permission to allow the bases to be used against Iran’s missile sites was granted on Sunday after Tehran had launched a wave of retaliatory attacks against countries across the Middle East.

Criminal convictions and politics

Not sure that this from the Independent/Ireland Thinks poll is of any great use.

Two-thirds of voters think convicted criminals like Gerry ‘The Monk’ Hutch should not be allowed take a seat in Dáil Éireann, a new Sunday Independent/Ireland Thinks poll shows. 

Just over a quarter of those polled (27pc) said they believe convicted criminals should be allowed to take a seat compared to 66pc against and 7pc who said they didn’t know.

With the Dublin Central by-election race heating up, Hutch, who ran unsuccessfully in the constituency in the 2024 general election, launched his campaign with a video on social media last week urging people to register to vote.

Firstly this is permitted under electoral law and one wonders how popular would be an effort to change that?

law lecturer Dr Jennifer Kavanagh said Hutch was perfectly entitled to run for public office.

“When it comes to people who’ve had brushes with the criminal justice system, it’s only if you’re currently in prison for more than six months [that you’re not allowed run]”, she said.

“You’re not allowed to run for the Dáil if you’re not a citizen of Ireland, you’re not over the age of 21, or you’re in a particular job like a judge – or even the president, where you are barred by the Constitution from running.

“The other people who will be barred would be members of the Garda Síochána, whole-time members of the Defence Forces [and] certain civil servants – because they’re to do government policy, not get a lot involved in elections.”

And:

Allowing individuals with criminal convictions to run for public office is ‘fairly standard’ in Europe, according to Dr Kavanagh.

This is useful, though not sure it’s exhaustive.

Speaking of that same old Irish conservative line

That Maria Steen interview on the IT politics podcast was interesting. What to make of what was so often politically incoherent? For a start, neither interviewers or Steen seemed to be able to define conservatism. Was it Tory, Christian Democrats, or AfD and hard/far right? At one point, Steen seemed to think the former, at other points the latter.

“It’s also an opportunity, isn’t it? I mean, if you look, I mean, you live in the constituency of Dun Laoghaire, I think. There’s four seats there.
Two of them are held by Finna Gael. If you went to a similar place in a British or German or French city, you know, a prosperous middle class suburb, there would be a substantial conservative vote there. So, you would kind of wonder how much of this is about the inability, which I’m suggesting, of these political ideas to gain traction as political parties of their own, and how much of it is just that they’ve lost the traction that they used to have in a party like Finna Gael?


Well, I don’t know because I’m not in the party. But I know from talking to people around the time of the nomination, there were a lot of party members who were not happy at all with the leadership in Fianna Fáil and in Finna Gael. Particularly, I suppose, we heard more about Fianna Fáil because of the whole Jim Gavin fallout.”

Not sure any of that holds up.

The Tories, for all their faults, accept the broad parameters of the social liberal dispensation. Not all and not all the time, but really there’s not that much space between Fine Gael and Tories on such an issue, and seeing Fine Gael as a placeholder for Tory in such constituencies is not much of a stretch either. Economically it is right of centre but forced to function in a polity where due to size, the lack of interest by or ability of the private sector to take up many burdens regarding services it has to oversee state and subsidiary interventions in order that they are facilitated. None of this is rocket science.

There was some slight effort to tease this out, but there was a fall back to rather specious stuff:

“Well, I suppose even in terms of the fiscal differences, are they that great? You know, I mean, again, that podcast that you did with Theresa Reidy there a little while ago, she was talking about examining the manifestos and saying, actually, there’s not a massive difference between them. And I think that’s right.
So the only area where there is a difference between, you know, kind of a visible difference is on the social issues. And at the moment, there isn’t a major political party. Obviously, Aontú and Independent Ireland are there.
But they are small parties at the moment. I suspect they will grow over the next few years. But at the moment, they’re small.”

This is simply incorrect. There are stark political and philosophical differences between the approach of this government and what would be termed left-wing economic approaches. Curiously, Steen does grasp this, but doesn’t appear to want to engage with the consequences when she says:

“And really, and of course, Peadar Toíbín is ex-Sinn Féin, so he’s hardly right wing.”

This is simply confusing. There’s no difference between the parties or left and ‘centre’ and centre right, but there is a difference?

In a way it would all have been more honest if someone had said, look, the issue that mobilises Steen is abortion and all else is secondary to her. Her sense of politics beyond the confines of social policy seems somewhat tenuous – and why wouldn’t it? Again, abortion and social issues are the real grist to her mill. That’s where her activism has been focused and that’s where she has been most effective. Sure, she mentions other issues but really one has to suspect that there’s a wish behind those mentions to find some group or groups or issues that mobilise people that can be latched on to.

I think that is why there’s an incoherence because the word ‘conservatism’ is doing far too much heavy lifting in these discussions and it simply isn’t appropriate.

Steen is a social conservative – capital S, capital C, a fiscal conservative, probably smaller F, small C (though entertainingly she talked of a papal injunctions against socialism and how socialism impacts negatively on the worker first and foremost). She says that there’s no-one representing her and there’s good reason for that. What she represents herself is a very very narrow slice of largely pro-life opinion. That’s entirely her right but parties that have sought to build upon that ground have found it too narrow to do so. And that’s true of many essentially single-issues.

And even on issues like immigration it was conceded in the interview that Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil – those famously liberal ( /s ) parties had moved rightwards. As in the following from the hosts:

“I mean, some people would argue that on the issue of immigration, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have shifted because they’ve seen that there is that unheard constituency. And if you are someone who is making the argument that you make or the argument that we’ve heard David Quinn make and you’ve said that it’s too difficult, it’s very difficult to set up a new party, is the success then kind of pressuring the likes of Fine Gael to become a warmer house for whatever you want to call it, people who are socially conservative or people who are more critical of immigration rather than trying to capitalise and create a new political venture?”

An unheard constituency? Most of us reading this are in a state that has PR as its electoral system, a political system that is uniquely designed to allow unheard voices to be heard. If they’re not being heard that may be because they actually don’t exist in the numbers those holding such views assume.

Perhaps due to a recognition that matters have changed, some of the time it appears she wants Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to roll the clock back decades:

“Well, I don’t know because I’m not in the party. But I know from talking to people around the time of the nomination, there were a lot of party members who were not happy at all with the leadership in Fianna Fáil and in Finna Gael. Particularly, I suppose, we heard more about Fianna Fáil because of the whole Jim Gavin fallout.
But there are a lot of people within the party who are dissatisfied. I suppose maybe they don’t see an obvious home to go to other than that. And maybe they still hope that maybe they would like to see a renewal in the party or a change.”

This is strangely apolitical a reading, though. One would never think that FG suffered a split over the issue of abortion that saw a number of their TDs jump ship in the 2010s. Fianna Fáil famously saw large numbers of their TDs take the opposing side with regard to abortion, only to be rebuffed by an overwhelming mandate from the electorate. It’s as if none of this history has happened, none of these issues were ever discussed or dealt with.

That this call for these parties to reverse or soften their position makes no sense politically given the generally settled will of the electorate in this state to an issue like abortion isn’t addressed by anyone in the discussion. That it would be almost impossible to do so ditto. All this feels to me like a disservice to Steen and indeed to a general discourse about politics. It’s as if no one is willing to come and say, actually, in 2026 following multiple referendums there is no appetite and – frankly no space – for political parties to reverse course on social matters (which by the by caused massive social dislocation across decades which those of us recall directly would have no wish to see replicated). Nor, with regard to her candidacy, is it mentioned that even those nominally in the same area (as with Independent Ireland) had to be pushed to vote in favour of her nomination. This is because of what she represents. She is clearly genuine and sincere in her beliefs but is so narrow and unrepresentative a slice of Irish politics that even those on the same broad side of her were concerned about possible political issues if they did support her. No one seems to be willing to state that if Steen and those around her want to alter this they are going to have to the hard work themselves, that it will take decades, that it requires them to stop complaining about others or hoping they will change and start to work on this themselves.

Yet even there a range of excuses come into view. A no less coherent point made in the above and elsewhere by Steen herself, the idea that it is somehow unfathomably difficult to establish new political parties in Ireland is simply not reflected in reality. Take Steen’s view.

“But in Ireland, it is incredibly difficult to start a new party. And the way the system is set up makes it very difficult.
So you can’t fundraise to any great degree. You can’t take big donations, number one. You can’t fundraise abroad, number two.
And the money that most of the parties get, of course, is state money. But you’re not entitled to apply for state money unless you are an established political party with members of the Rockets.
So there’s serious barriers to entry there yourself.
There’s serious barriers to entry. And you know, it is a feature, not a bug of the whole system. So I think that’s why we probably haven’t seen, you know, anything like the kind of political movements that we’ve seen in other European countries.”

Those political movements, by the way were outlined as ““Victor Orban, the AFD, the Rassemblement National,” by the hosts, so yet again, which brand of conservatism was she identifying with? It remained not entirely clear.

The actual argument appears implausible at best.

We have seen, since 2011, People Before Profit, Social Democrats, Aontú and Independent Ireland all established and gain seats in the Dáil (granted the latter three had TDs in place but each has seen sometimes significant successes with new TDs). Worth noting that two of those appeal to the very voting cohorts she supposedly represents (indeed it was Aontú who worked most diligently to see her nominated President). The idea there’s some impossible barrier to entry is absurd.

What might be less absurd as an argument, had anyone bothered to air it, is that single issue parties do not tend to be successful and Steen’s primary concern, that of abortion, is simply insufficiently motivating to most people – even those who wish her well politically. In fairness to her, I actually would place a greater blame for implausible analyses on the part of those interviewing her who seem almost credulous in their willingness to indulge whatever she says, or even embroider and enlarge upon frankly baffling statements as if they have some great validity. Maria Steen is entitled to her opinions but one might expect at least some questioning with respect to how robust the political appraisals she makes might be.


Just on immigration, refugees and so on, it was remarkable for someone who professes such a strong attachment to Catholicism to see this sort of unsupported stuff which really did her cause no justice.

“People were not being listened to. There were mothers with babes in arms going out into the streets, marching, saying we’re concerned for, you know, our security and for resources, for facilities, for our children, for schools, for when I go into a hospital, it’s packed out. The government are bringing in more and more people and the system is not able to cope.
I don’t think that was an unreasonable position to hold. And certainly, I think that those people deserved to be listened to without being insulted and called names and being labeled far right. And the failure of the government and the general establishment to actually listen to this people, I think made people veer, some people veer more to the extreme.”

It’s a pity that she used such questionable rhetoric, it was certainly unnecessary. Are the ‘government’ bringing in more and more people? Is that what is going on? Is the system not able ‘to cope’? Are hospitals ‘packed out’ due to refugees and immigrants (two different categories by the by)?

Here’s someone who asks both in the general and specific that such matters are dealt with humanity and dignity. At a minimum the issue deserves better than throwaway and questionable assertions.

Steen’s own philosophy, whether one agrees or disagrees with it, deserves better than that too if she believes that others should support it.