KKE Statement on the Vote on July 10th July 11, 2015Posted by Garibaldy in Communism.
No to the new “leftwing” memorandum
The government of “leftwing” SYRIZA and nationalist ANEL, with the support of the rightwing ND, the social-democratic PASOK (who governed together until January 2015), the centre party POTAMI, is thrusting new unbearable anti-people burdens onto the working class and other popular strata.
On the night of the 10th of July, it placed before the full plenum of the parliament the question of “authorizing” the government to negotiate a new, 3rd memorandum of anti-people measures, posing the following dilemma: the continuation of the anti-people political line or the country’s bankruptcy and an exit from the eurozone.
The Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras defended his memorandum, the Tsipras-memorandum, arguing in essence that the anti-people measures are being taken n order to regain the confidence of the investors and markets.
At 5 in the morning 251 MPs votes for the government’s proposal, while the entire Parliamentary Group of the KKE voted against it. As a whole there were 32 against, 8 who voted “present” and 9 who were absent.
These developments, which reveal once again the true face of the “left-patriotic” government of SYRIZA-ANEL, also expose the unacceptable stance of various forces abroad in recent months, which supported the government, including some communist and workers’ parties, allegedly in the name of “solidarity with Greece”.
Speaking in the full plenum of the Parliament, during the discussion regarding the provision of “authorization” for the government to agree to the new, 3rd memorandum, the GS of the CC of the KKE, Dimitris Koutsoumpas, addressing the government stressed: “You were always supporters of political amorality, opportunism, which literally and without its deeper theoretical dimension simply means being opportunistic and adventurist.
Just 10 days ago, in this very hall, during the discussion of the proposal for the referendum, the KKE clearly pointed out to you that you were calling on the people to take part in a referendum with a “yes” or “no” that only had superficial differences, as both the “yes” and the “no” meant the acceptance of a new memorandum, perhaps worse than those we have already seen.
.You adjusted the “no” of the people to a “yes” for the new memorandum.
Something that was confirmed the very day after the referendum, when the rest of the political parties, those that supported a “yes” and those that supported a “no” agreed to a new memorandum which will be even harsher.
We were certain from the beginning that this would happen.
Not because we are soothsayers, but because your strategy, but because your programme, your position towards the EU, eurozone and the capitalist unions in general, your position regarding the development path and system that you want to serve, inevitably lead to you to struggle at the side of the EU, ECB, IMF, big capital, the monopoly groups, over how the division of the spoils will be conducted, how you will serve their profitability, how in the end you will reduce the people’s income, how you will economically reduce the price of labour power, how you will suck the people dry, so that the parasites of the system will prosper.”
The GS of the CC of the KKE, in reference of the government’s dilemma “anti-people agreement, i.e. memorandum, or Grexit” stressed that: “The 3rd memorandum will also mean the real bankruptcy of the people. Of course in a somewhat more organized way. We will have barbaric anti-people measures. With the Grexit we will see a rapid pauperization, the people’s bankruptcy together with state bankruptcy, without a way out, still trapped inside the walls of the EU, inside the same old capitalist development path.
This is why all the other parties bear historic responsibilities, especially SYRIZA which is in government today and was trusted by the people.
A real way out from the crisis and development in favour of the workers’-people’s interests require the organization of the people, their full preparation, honest talk, clear programmes and positions so that the people themselves decide to take power and to organize the economy and new society, outside and far away from the imperialist unions, with central planning, with social ownership of the wealth produced by the working class and our people.
All the other options are the failed experiments in social-democratic management, allegedly leftwing governments that manage the system, inside the framework of capitalism, and which after spreading fleeting hopes and false expectations lead the people to great disillusionment, the labour movement to retreat and strengthen conservative and even extremely reactionary trends among the popular forces.”
In reference to the entanglement of the “Greek issue” in the inter-imperialist contradictions, D. Koutsoumpas noted that: “You often present the “cruel” Schauble as the only opponent, Schauble who represents an important section of German capital, and that the friends of Greece from time to time are the USA and the IMF, and now France, focusing on the issue of the restructuring of the state debt.
Neither US or French or German capital are the friends of the people. They all demand the slaughter of the people’s rights and income. The competition between them is being conducted on the terrain of the capitalist crisis and the deep unevenness that permeates the hard core of the Eurozone. The USA and Germany are competing for hegemony in Europe. The IMF, France and Germany over the future of the eurozone. Sections of domestic capital, industrialists, banking and shipping groups are involved in this confrontation.
As long as we are involved in this dangerous web of contradictions all the alternatives will be a nightmare for the people: either the anti-people agreement/memorandum or a state default or a Grexit or even a possible war in the wider region.”
The GS underlined the following as regards the future developments:
“Despite the temporary compromise the tendency for the expulsion of countries remains strong. This does not concern merely Greece but all indebted countries and even those which are candidates to join the euro.
The people must not choose between their bankruptcy under the Euro or a bankruptcy under the Drachma.
A decisive solution in favour of the people requires a true rupture that has nothing to do with the fake rupture that certain forces within SYRIZA invoke when they defend the exit of Greece solely from the Eurozone.
Those who claim –including forces of SYRIZA, as well as other nationalist, reactionary forces from another standpoint– that the exit of Greece from the Eurozone, with a depreciated currency, will give impetus to competitiveness and growth and will have positive consequences for the people, are deliberately deceiving the people.
The prospect of Greece as a capitalist country with a national currency does not constitute any rupture in favour of the people. Those political forces that promote this goal as a solution or an intermediate goal for radical changes (such as the “Left Platform of SYRIZA, ANTARSYA as well as other ultra right, fascist forces in Europe) are actually playing the game of certain sections of capital.
So we will not choose whether we will go bankrupt under the Euro or the drachma, under an internal or external devaluation.
For this reason we do not choose between a memorandum and a Grexit.
Because there is an alternative solution if the people struggle for a rupture with the EU, capital and their power.
For example, we can abolish the EU commitments which have caused stagnation in domestic production, from sugar and meat to shipbuilding and many other sectors.
We can utilize the contradictions between the imperialist centres and achieve international agreements of mutual benefit for Greece under people’s power, which will be disengaged from the EU and NATO.
We can pave the way for the satisfaction of the people’s needs if we proceed to the socialization of monopolies, the means of production with scientific nationwide planning of economy”.
Finally, D. Koutsoumpas noted that the KKE called on the working people to organize their counterattack in the streets and the workplaces against the new destructive measures.
In the afternoon of the same day (Friday 10th July) PAME organized mass rallies in Athens and other major cities throughout the country against the 3rd (“leftwing”) memorandum of anti-people measures. The demonstrations were joined by trade unions, People’s Committees, Women’s Associations and Groups, mass organizations and Struggle Committees of self-employed and craftsmen as well as students i.e. by those who are being attacked by the measures of the coalition government. All of them declared: “enough! There is another path in favour of the people”.
D. Koutsoumpas who participated in the mass rally of PAME in Athens stated: “we cannot waste any more time. The working people must organize their struggle, promote their demands and organize the people’s alliance”.
Audio of Talk by KKE Activist Maria Antonopoulou, 12 February 2015 February 19, 2015Posted by Garibaldy in Communism.
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You can listen to a talk from Maria Antonopoulou of the KKE on 12th February 2015 and the discussion that followed here.
The talk lays out the KKE analysis of the austerity agenda within the EU, of the nature of the EU itself and many other things. Well worth a listen.
Greek State Seeks to Prosecute KKE MEP & Parliamentary Candidates for Role in Protests January 15, 2015Posted by Garibaldy in Communism.
The Greek state is seeking to prosecute two KKE trade unionists and parliamentary candidates, one of whom is already an MEP. The Greek prosecutors have asked the European parliament to remove the immunity of Sotiris Zarianopoulos for protests that took place in 2010! From the KKE statement
The bourgeois state is carrying out the persecution of militant trade unionists, in a period when the very tough electoral confrontation of the KKE against the bourgeoisie, the EU and its parties is underway.
A Workers’ Party statement of solidarity is here.
You can find an interview from the newspaper of the German CP where the KKE explains its approach here.
40th Anniversary of the April Revolution April 25, 2014Posted by Garibaldy in Communism.
Statement from the Portuguese Communist Party on the 40th anniversary of the April Revolution.
40th. Anniversary of the April Revolution – The Values of April in the Future of Portugal
Quarta 23 de Abril de 2014
Communiqué by the Political Committee Central Committee of the PCP – 22nd April 2014
1. The April Revolution constituted the implementation of the will of the Portuguese people, an affirmation of freedom, social emancipation and national independence.
The April Revolution, culminating a long and heroic anti-fascist struggle, ended 48 years of dictatorship, the colonial war, recognizing the right of independence of the fighting colonized people, the international isolation of Portugal and implemented great political, economic, social and cultural changes that are part of a system and of a regime that opened in the life of the country the prospect of a new period of history marked by freedom and social progress.
The achievement and establishment of freedoms, the rights of the citizens and a regime of political democracy were inseparable from the liquidation of economic and political power of the monopoly groups and landowners, through nationalisations, workers’ control and Agrarian Reform and other socio-economic changes indispensable for the development of the country. Facing the conspiracy, sabotage and attempted coups de force by reactionary sectors supported by big capitalists, landowners and foreign imperialism, these changes were furthermore necessary for the defence of freedoms and democracy.
The working class, the workers, the masses and the progressive military – united in the people-MFA [Armed Forces Movement] alliance – played a key role in all democratic achievements, which were later enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic, adopted on April 2, 1976.
The PCP, a decisive party in the struggle for freedom and democracy, intervened in this whole process as an irreplaceable and determining political force. Its role in the April Revolution and the foundation of the democratic regime is inscribed as one of the greatest feats of its history.
The April Revolution showed that it had within itself the strength and the necessary potential to undertake the elimination of most serious inequalities, discriminations and social injustice and to build a new democratic society.
The April Revolution meant a formidable progress of Portuguese society, Its great and historical achievements created the conditions for a dynamic economic, social, political and cultural development in line with the situation, the interests, the needs and aspirations of the Portuguese people and Portugal, all characterising the democratic regime resulting from the Revolution – an advanced democracy on the path to socialism.
Besides its historical significance at the national level, the April Revolution represented a relevant event in contemporary history, with important international repercussions.
Despite its historical achievements, many of its main achievements were, meanwhile, destroyed. Others, although weakened and threatened, remain present in national life. All are landmarks and represent essential values in the present and for the democratic and independent future of Portugal.
The great values of the April Revolution have taken deep roots in Portuguese society and project as realities, objective needs, experiences and aspirations in the democratic future of Portugal.
2 .The 40th Anniversary of the April Revolution takes place at a time when the Portuguese workers and people are facing the deepening assault on their social, economic and cultural rights, as a result of an unacceptable foreign intervention by the European Union and IMF signed with the PS, PSD and CDS, following the SGP (Stability and Growth Pact) by the PS government, that harmed sovereignty and threatens national independence.
The serious situation that Portugal currently lives is inseparable from the right-wing policy pursued over the past 37 years, by successive PS, PSD and CDS governments, which systematically destroyed and fought the changes and progressive achievements of the April Revolution, promoting the reestablishment of the power of monopoly groups and the submission of the country to the European Union, and to imperialism. A policy of increasing exploitation and destruction of the labour and social rights of workers and the Portuguese people, wrecking national production, ruining the economy and launching the country into debt.
At a time when the workers and the Portuguese people mark the 40th Anniversary of the April Revolution, the PCP reasserts its firm commitment and confidence that, with the strength and determination to struggle by the workers and the people, with the converging action of democrats and patriots, it is possible to defeat the PSD/CDS government and the right-wing policy and open the way to build an alternative, patriotic and left-wing policy, affirming the project of the Advanced Democracy, the Values of April in the Future of Portugal, with the the horizon of socialism and communism.
3.The PCP has to express its firm rejection of the attempts to blame the April Revolution – and what this meant and represented in terms of emancipation and social and national progress – for the disastrous consequences of 37 years of counter revolutionary process, in fact, the real responsible for the current course of regression and national decline.
The PCP also rejects the unacceptable and dangerous attempts by those who, pointing their finger at «parties» and placing them all «in same bag» end up by laundering those really responsible for the current course of regression and national decline – the PS , PSD and CDS – helping the offensive against the democratic regime and concealing those who – like the PCP – have firmly and coherently fought for freedom, democracy and the achievements won with the April Revolution, against the right-wing policy that questions them, pointing the alternative to materialize the Values that April stands for.
Similarly, in view of the attempts to rewrite history and erase the nature and real significance of the April Revolution, the PCP stresses that commemorating April is to combat the laundering of the terrorist nature of the fascist dictatorship that oppressed the Portuguese people and murdered, jailed, tortured thousands of democrats and of the dictatorship that intensified the exploitation of the peoples of the colonies and carried out a criminal colonial war, the cause of the crippling and death of thousands of young Portuguese and African patriots.
To celebrate April is to defend and affirm its revolutionary character that not only restored freedom to the people and country, but also accomplished profound political, economic, social and cultural changes. To celebrate April is pay a deserving homage to the April military men for their role in the liquidation of the fascist dictatorship and who, as we all know, have been so mistreated by successive holders of political power over the last 37 years. To celebrate April is to combat the silencing and distortion of the heroic struggle of the workers, democrats and patriots, including, with their relevant role, the Communists.
4. Portugal’s future as a democratic, developed, sovereign and independent country, cannot be ensured by maintaining the domination and interests of the forces that brought the country to the serious situation in which it lies.
It is in the defence of democracy and the Constitution of the Republic, important achievements of April, that we find the matrix of a patriotic and left-wing policy, able to ensure the economic and social development of the country, and not its subversion and destruction, as attempted by the political leaders and parties that want to absolve themselves and absolve their political options and practices as causers of the disaster that we find ourselves in.
To the PCP, the celebrations of the 40th Anniversary of the April Revolution should be a time and a moment to affirm on the streets the indignation and refusal of what they are doing to the people and Portugal, its history and its future, a moment of resistance and struggle against this reactionary offensive, against the forces that seek to settle scores with April assaulting democracy, sovereignty, freedom and development of Portugal.
In addition to the participation of the PCP in several initiatives promoted by popular committees, there is the special edition of the «Avante! » on the April Revolution that will be out with the regular paper on April 24. In terms of CDU there will be two major initiatives – on April 26, in Porto (municipality of Vila do Conde) and April 27 in Lisbon (municipality of Loures).
The PCP calls on the workers and the people, the youth, all democrats and patriots to mass with their presence the popular celebrations of the 25th April and the demonstrations of 1st May promoted by CGTP, making them a vigorous affirmation and commitment to demand the resignation of the Government, a rupture with the right-wing policy, for a patriotic and left-wing policy – capable of releasing Portugal from dependence and submission, recovering for the country what belongs to the country, handing back to the workers and the people their rights, wages and earnings – in an unwavering statement of confidence and struggle for the Values of April in Portugal’s future.
Communist Party of Ukraine HQ Attacked February 23, 2014Posted by Garibaldy in Communism.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has distributed the following statement.
*Urgent! Communication from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation – The office of the Communist Party of Ukraine has been attacked and
“The developments in Ukraine take the most dramatic character. The CPRF
International department has got the recent news that in Kiev, the capital
of Ukraine, an outrageously behaving gang of well-prepared militants
attacked the head-quarters of the Communist Party of Ukraine. Unknown
bandits attacked the premises of the CPU, broke the windows and damaged
the furniture inside. According to what our comrades told us there are yet
no victims among the communists in the building.
The Central Committee of the CPRF calls upon all the communist and workers’ parties of the world to express their protest against the orange-brown intervention aimed at
breaking the integrity of Ukraine and seizing power by a military coup. We
follow the events in the country and as soon as we get the fresh news from
our comrades we shall inform the world community and place it on our site
and in solidnet.org
Article on the Portuguese CP from El Pais October 9, 2013Posted by Garibaldy in Communism.
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A short but interesting article from El Pais on the success of the Portuguese CP and its allies in the recent local elections.
Communist Manifesto 165 years old today February 21, 2013Posted by doctorfive in Communism.
How will the Manifesto strike the reader who comes to it today for the first time? The new reader can hardly fail to be swept away by the passionate conviction, the concentrated brevity, the intellectual and stylistic force, of this astonishing pamphlet. It is written, as though in a single creative burst, in lapidary sentences almost naturally transforming themselves into the memorable aphorisms which have become known far beyond the world of political debate: from the opening ‘A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of Communism’ to the final ‘The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.’ Equally uncommon in nineteenth-century German writing: it is written in short, apodictic paragraphs, mainly of one to five lines — in only five cases, out of more than two hundred, of fifteen or more lines. Whatever else it is, The Communist Manifesto as political rhetoric has an almost biblical force. In short, it is impossible to deny its compelling power as literature.
But then, the Manifesto — and this is not the least of its remarkable qualities — is a document which envisaged failure. It hoped that the outcome of capitalist development would be ‘A revolutionary reconstitution of society at large’ but, as we have already seen, it did not exclude the alternative: ‘common ruin’. Many years later, another Marxian rephrased this as the choice between socialism and barbarity. Which of these will prevail is a question which the twenty-first century must be left to answer.
70th Anniversary of the Soviet Victory at Stalingrad February 2, 2013Posted by Garibaldy in Communism, History.
Economic systems December 28, 2012Posted by Tomboktu in Capitalism, Communism, Economics.
Around the time of the Soviet collapse, the economist Peter Murrell published an article in the Journal of Economic Perspectives reviewing empirical studies of efficiency in the socialist planned economies. These studies consistently failed to support the neoclassical analysis: virtually all of them found that by standard neoclassical measures of efficiency, the planned economies performed as well or better than market economies.
First he reviewed eighteen studies of technical efficiency: the degree to which a firm produces at its own maximum technological level. Matching studies of centrally planned firms with studies that examined capitalist firms using the same methodologies, he compared the results. One paper, for example, found a 90% level of technical efficiency in capitalist firms; another using the same method found a 93% level in Soviet firms. The results continued in the same way: 84% versus 86%, 87% versus 95%, and so on.
In 1989, the dissident Polish reform economists Włodzimierz Brus and Kazimierz Łaski — both convinced socialists and disciples of the distinguished Marxist-Keynesian Michał Kalecki — published a book examining the prospects for East European reform. Both had been influential proponents of democratic reforms and socialist market mechanisms since the 1950s.
Their conclusion now was that in order to have a rational market socialism, publicly-owned firms would have to be made autonomous — and this would require a socialized capital market. The authors made it clear that this would entail a fundamental reordering of the political economy of East European systems – and indeed of traditional notions of socialism. Writing on the eve of the upheavals that would bring down Communism, they set out their vision: “the role of the owner-state should be separated from the state as an authority in charge of administration….[E]nterprises…have to become separated not only from the state in its wider role but also from each other.”
Parties of the working class, acutely vulnerable to pressure from below, were in government more than 40% of the time in the postwar decades – compared to about 10% in the interwar years, and almost never before that – and “contagion from the Left” forced parties of the right into defensive acquiescence. Schooling, medical treatment, housing, retirement, leisure, child care, subsistence itself, but most importantly, wage-labor: these were to be gradually removed from the sphere of market pressure, transformed from goods requiring money, or articles bought and sold on the basis of supply and demand, into social rights and objects of democratic decision.
This, at least, was the maximal social-democratic program — and in certain times and places in the postwar era its achievements were dramatic.
But the social democratic solution is unstable — and this is where the Marxist conception comes in, with its stress on pursuit of profit as the motor of the capitalist system.