ESR still at it

smiffy’s latest post reminded me of a classic “Suicide of the West” rant by Eric S. Raymond, who is best known for inspiring the open source software movement with his essay The Cathedral and the Bazaar. In “Suicidalism“, Raymond argues that not only is there a decadent strand of defeatism running through western society, but that this strand was in fact deliberately put there by the KGB during the Cold War. I don’t have much to add to my previous discussion of that post on politics.ie, but I did revisit ESR’s site today to see where he’s at at present.

Delightfully, his latest post is based around a quote from Caligula, “Let them hate, so long as they fear“. He has seized on the fact that a Palestinian group released a hostage when they discovered him to be American as proof that such people are now reluctant to mess with the US lest they end up like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.

…having even bush-league terrorists fear harming Americans is a good start, and as neat a vindication of George Bush’s foreign policy and the war in Iraq as anyone could ask for. The war is not, after all, breeding terrorists; it’s killing the leaders and frightening the small fry into letting go their victims.

It’s a bit of flimsy vindication at best, but sadly for ESR, it turns out that the reason this particular hostage was released is that the hostage-takers were looking for an Israeli hostage to swap for Palestinian prisoners. As the gunmen were from the Al-Aksa Martyrs Brigade associated with Fatah, they are not particularly motivated to seek a confrontation with the US, on whose support they will certainly rely in the future. If anything, the episode demonstrates that those groups with whom you have an open dialogue are less likely to target your citizens than those you are simply bombing from a great height.

It feels a little unworthy to engage with a crazy like ESR, as I’m not aware of anyone who takes him seriously in this context. However I find his output compelling in a train crash sort of way. Also, I will use any excuse to quote the below comment from somebody called Adrian which was appended to his “Suicidalism” post. The quote from ESR in italics is supposed to be characteristic of the decadent western intelligentsia:

There are no objective standards by which we may judge one culture to be better than another. Anyone who claims that there are such standards is an evil oppressor.

There’s an oversimplification. Western culture (which you will doubtless wish to separate into decaying European and vital American branches so you can continue to relish the thought of France being laid waste by rioting groups of unemployed Algerians) is unquestionably more comfortable than the Afghan alternative – but excessive comfort *has* been known to breed decadence in one or two empires in the past which might have lessons for the attentive today.

One standard which could be used to judge cultures is whether they’re sustainable, and there are a few people around who suspect that Western culture isn’t, simply on the grounds of the energy it uses. Now I know you’re going to say that that’s pessimistic and defeatist, and if we’d just become cheerleaders for funky stuff like pebble bed reactors and solar power satellites and abiotic oil and accept that The Market Will Provide Everything If Only You Just Believe then there will be plenty of energy for the whole Third World to consume at First World standards and we can keep expanding our GNP until we’ve eaten the local group of galaxies and anyone who disagrees with you is stupid and precognitive and duped by Stalinists and lower than vole scrota and ought to be shot for objectively supporting our enemies etc. etc. etc. But really – the Caliphate is a hopeless fantasy of dreaming nutbars, unless you want to delineate how it comes about as I suggested earlier. Your heavily-armed ass is safe from shar’ia no matter how many latte-sipping quiche eaters in your suburb think Osama may have had a point about something or other. Whether it’s safe from Peak Oil is another matter, though hopefully that will turn out to be a fantasy as well, eh?

OTOH, everyone needs a hobby.

Lovely stuff, I hope you’ll agree.

Cultural Suicide – not always painless

There are few pleasures in life as cruelly enjoyable as reading a truly vicious book review. Not the kind of formulaic contrarianism of someone like Dale Peck, or the semi-regular Eileen Battersby attack on Salman Rushdie (or whoever this year’s ‘New Salman Rushdie’ happens to be). No, the best ones are those where you genuinely get the impression that the critic was actually angered by what he had to read, and went to the typewriter as much for revenge as for whatever the rate-per-word is.

Fans of this kind of bloodsport should look up Terry Eagleton’s review of Suicide of the West, by Richard Koch and former New Labour Arts Minister Chris Smith. Eagleton seems to have disliked this book, rather a lot, and it makes for a pretty entertaining read.

Unfortunately, I haven’t read Suicide of the West and so cannot judge whether it is, in Eagleton’s words an ‘odiously superior little book’, whether passages in it are ‘morally grubby’ and if Koch and Smith are, in fact, ‘men with a penchant for cracker-barrel philosophizing and hastily packaged two-paragraph caricatures of complex history’.

It’s all good fun, of course, but if Eagleton’s review and others like it are anything to go by, this book seems to be presenting an increasingly common but somewhat disturbing (not to say actually dishonest) argument – that the values of ‘the West’ are being undermined by the insidious forces of ‘multiculturalism’ (an ideology far more denounced than defined), cultural relativism and a kind of moral nihilism which argues that there are no absolute values and that, therefore, we can’t make moral judgements about anyone else. Oh, and let’s not forget the old bugbear of ‘Political Correctness’ (most frequently found in its ‘GONE MAD’ form).

And that this is, very much, a BAD THING.

The approach isn’t new; it’s been around for thirty-odd years or ever since people in some university departments started considering the possibility that perhaps not everything of value was the product of the efforts of rich, white men and, indeed, that maybe the legacy of the infamously titled Dead White European Males, isn’t an unreservedly positive one. The conservative response to this broadening the field of academic enquiry to encompass the concerns and experiences of some minority groups and to question the framework of academic debate was predictably hysterical, decrying the changes as decadent nihilism and the end of civilization as we (or, at least, they) know it. From the tone of the attack one might be forgiven for thinking that looking at the issue of imperialism in ‘The Tempest’ or taking Toni Morrison as seriously as Henry James was the first step on the inevitable road to a society which endorses eating babies and having sex with dogs (or vice versa).

What is new, however, is the way we can see arguments of this type increasingly being made from a leftist perspective and particularly by those who assert the need to preserve ‘Enlightenment’ or ‘Western values’ as this was self-evident, without looking critically at their initial premises.

This kind of argument (or non-argument) has become fairly common currency among a certain breed of self-proclaimed ‘muscular liberal’ of the Harry’s Place/Christopher Hitchens-fan school (and don’t get me wrong – I pop in to it on occasion) – the kind of person who shakes their head sadly at how ‘the Left’ has been taken over by cultural relativism with all the bitterness of a jilted ex-lover.

There are a number of problems with this approach. Firstly, and perhaps most importantly, it sets up a completely false premise. It simply isn’t the case that ‘Sceptics about science and truth, anti-realists, postmodernists, gender and identity epistemologists and enemies of the Enlightenment project’ (to quote Benson and Stangoom’s interesting but ultimately rather confused Why Truth Matters) represent a threat to anyone or anything or have any real influence outside academia.

Apart from poor, old Madeline Bunting, I’ve never come across anyone that you can’t condemn any action if it’s part of the cultural practice of another group of people. I’ve certainly never seen anyone try to condone female genital mutilation or honour killings from a multiculturalist/left-wing perspective, although some would have you believe that the ‘PC elite’ consider any criticism of these practices to be inherently racist. I must say, for an elite they don’t seem to be particularly influential.

In fact, the only people who do seem to condone these actions are those who actually carry them out, and they don’t tend to come from a postmodernist philosophical background.

[An interesting little aside about the Benson/Stangoom book is that at one point, towards the end, they criticise writer Judith Butler for suggesting that, at the time of his death, Jacques Derrida may have been ‘the most internationally renowned European intellectual’ and claiming that this is ‘a slightly pathetic reflection of the parochialism of Theory’. Butler’s claim doesn’t seem all that outlandish to me, although I wouldn’t like to have to stand over it. Benson/Stangoom, however, fail to answer the blindingly obvious question they raise which is ‘If not Derrida, then who’, reminding me of the episode of ‘Knowing Me, Knowing You’ where Alan Partridge, having scoffed at the claim that Derrida was the most famous living philosopher, suggested an alternative – Peter Ustinov.]

What I have seen, and broadly agree with, is the argument that you shouldn’t condemn or make judgments about entire cultures as a ‘culture’ is something far too broad and nebulous to make it even possible to have a narrow good/bad view of. In particular, it’s very tempting when comparing cultures to be rather selective about which bits you choose to be representative. While someone could argue that ‘Western culture’ equals ‘Freedom of Speech’ and ‘Islamic culture’ equals ‘repression of women’, one might equally replace the terms used with ‘atomisation of society’ and ‘altruism and enthusiasm for charitable giving’. And they’d still both be wrong.

Secondly, the ‘pro-Enlightenment’ argument is far too free and easy with the use of the term ‘relativism’. Relativism is not the same thing as drawing a moral equivalence or moral comparison between two or more actions, as some would suggest. To raise the issue of US foreign policy after 9/11 isn’t relativism; neither is talking about the invasion of Iraq as a contributing factor to the London bombings last year. Indeed, most critics of the invasion would base their opposition on fundamental moral grounds – they don’t believe the invasion was right, they don’t think you should bomb civilians, you shouldn’t support anything the United States does full stop. Now these arguments may be valid or not. In the case of some, like George Galloway, they may be utterly hypocritical, but they’re based on a belief that you can make moral judgements, rather than being Lyotardian expressions of the death of the Grand Narrative.

Finally, it’s far too lazy to simply assert that we must defend ‘Enlightenment values’ without looking at what those values are. Freedom of speech and protection human rights are valuable, from a leftist perspective, because they’re fundamentally important tools in allowing everyone to reach their full potential and live enjoyable, satisfied lives, not because they were dreamed up by some French or Scottish thinkers in the Eighteenth Century, or because they’re part of the cultural legacy of ‘the West’.

Eagleton puts it very well in his review:

Koch and Smith are bigoted and obtuse to believe that other civilisations have not produced values quite as precious as ours; but they are right that western culture has bred ideals of immense richness. The left, on the whole, has not denied the fact. It has not challenged the ideals of freedom, self-determination, justice, equality and the like with some fancy set of values of its own. Instead, it has posed one one resounding, persistent, faux-naive question: how come these ideals so rarely work in practice? By what systematic mechanisms does freedom for some come to mean oppression for others? Why does formal equality tend to end up as actual inequality? Is this because in human affairs the shadow always falls between idea and execution, or for rather more tangible reasons peculiar to the system under which we live?

It is not, then, the political left that has subverted these visionary notions. The devastating irony is that it is the very system the authors celebrate that does so. It was capitalist secularisation that helped to see off religious faith, just as it was imperialist world war that dealt a death blow to optimism. The finest values of liberalism and individualism are constantly under threat from the faceless, corporate, exploitative form of life to which they give birth. Koch and Smith, who praise individualism on one page but mourn the decline of community on another, simply fail to grasp this logic.

This is something those who believe that the most important part of Liberty is ‘the right to tell people what they don’t want to hear’, rather than the ability to listen to something you mightn’t have heard before, would do well to remember.

What do they know that we don’t?

For those of us with a gloomy turn of mind the latest minutes of the Commission of the Houses of the Oireachtas (Irish Parliament) give a certain pause for thought (If your browser doesn’t open PDFs automatically perhaps best not to click here).

After the usual house-keeping minutia they take a somewhat unexpected turn of direction. Note item 4:

4. Emergency Accommodation Plan for Sittings of the Houses of the Oireachtas
The Commission had before it a report [6-2-06] recommending Dublin Castle as the preferred location for the recovery of accommodation and services of the Houses in the event of one or more of the plenary and Committee Chambers becoming unavailable, due to fire, flooding, severe weather damage or any other reason.
The Commission approved the recommendation.

Now, I live in an area of Dublin subject to at least one of the above so perhaps I’m more than usually sensitive to such things, but for any of us who have driven or cycled up Kildare Street past the Dáil it’s evident that it’s built on a rising incline (or side of a hill if one prefers).

So I’m wondering just what sort of report the Commission received and what sort of conditions it expects from ‘severe weather damage’ to ‘any other reason’.

Global warming? The melting of the icecaps? Superstorms? Cometary impacts?

Still, beyond the comic or ironic potential of this subject, it’s interesting that such contingencies are being seriously planned for. Is it sufficient? One doesn’t have to think too long to conjure up any number of difficult scenarios that might effectively knock out the ability of government to administer on this island temporarily or permanently. From biological and radiological threats to earthquake generated tsunami we are vulnerable to a broad range of technological and natural catastrophic events. In terms of probability some are unlikely, others are likely and others are…overdue. Of course for many at the more disturbing end of the scale should they happen they would apply on a global basis, I’m thinking in particular of large scale impacts by meteors, but others could be quite localised, say for example an earthquake generated tsunami on the east or west coasts. For a bigger version of same consider for a moment the potential of the volcano in the Canaries which some say if it blows we can expect a mega-tsunami racing up and across the Atlantic, although not everyone buys into that…[catastrophe postponed]


In the past we didn’t have the knowledge of our vulnerability, nor the resources to do very much about it – and on the latter point to some degree we still don’t. Large scale catastrophic events tend to require a sort of triage where small groups are protected and – as with the iodine tablets issued some years ago – the majority must take their chances. So on one level it’s heartening that the Commission is taking this issue seriously, and on another it points up just how little can be done.

But I’d still like to know what the Commission has heard that we haven’t…

Sport – we don’t do sport round here – most of the time anyway…

We’re not that sporty around the Cedar Lounge Revolution, as some of you may have gathered – well most of us, although mbari is I understand something of a soccer fan. smiffy has already written eloquently about the World Cup, I watched the final, but not a whole lot else the matches being on various televisions in the background where I was…

However, I had the pleasure of being at Croke Park today to watch the Dublin Offaly game in the Leinster SFC. A superb game with Dublin convincingly annihilating Offaly 1-15 to 0-09.

A leaden first half performance by Dublin (yep, I’m slightly partisan) was succeeded by a sparkling, even, – dare I say – mercurial second half with Dublin actually scoring an almost perfect goal. in fact for the first half I actually thought Offaly had the edge. For those of you interested in the details they’re [here].
The crowd invasion of the pitch from Hill 16 at the end actually occurred three or four minutes before the final whistle… leading to the brilliant PA announcement “Gardai and Stewards, Plan B, Plan B…”. Hmmm, a little late perhaps.

Whisper it quietly but after three or four years where Dublin has clearly failed to deliver this year is the first where I’ve thought they might have a convincing shot at the All-Ireland. And the portents are reasonably good, the last team to win the Leinster was Dublin eleven years ago. Who also went on to win the All-Ireland…

I’m waiting and seeing…

Sitting in a hotel room watching CNN…

There’s a very peculiar unease for those of us, how shall I put it, less than entirely confident about flying (and let’s be entirely honest, “WorldbyStorm” may indeed be the name I use for posting, but perhaps I should have added the all important qualification “- as long as it’s below 30,000 feet, or indeed 10 feet” indeed perhaps my favoured form of transport would be [here]) to sit in a foreign city and discover that the Israeli air force has been comprehensively reconfiguring a civil air field. It’s not that I’m prone to magical thinking, or that I believe the Israeli’s intend to transfer their attentions to Barcelona or parts north, south, east or west of there. Yet, there is something so enormously wrong about that action that it seems to set the foundations of the world very slightly out of kilter and the possibility of gun boats in the western part of the Mediterranean – as if this were a JG Ballard novel – didn’t seem entirely implausible.

And moving swiftly on from my own issues with international jet-propelled air transport -which are legion although I actually quite enjoyed the trip down and back, thanks for asking – and on to the specific question I sat in a hotel room in Barcelona yesterday morning wondering what on earth those travellers to Beirut thought as they sat in their hotel rooms watching the atrocious reports on CNN (atrocious because they appeared entirely unconcerned at reporting international and, particularly, US reaction to the bombings) and no doubt unsure as to whether they would actually get out of Beirut. I was interested to learn that much Lebanese tourism is drawn from the Gulf and the nearer ‘Middle East’. Perhaps the famously liberal society (well, in general terms anyhow) still exerts a pull that saw it once, rather implausibly, dubbed the “Switzerland of the Middle East”.

The pictures today of the isolated Airbus 321s and Boeing 737s lined up around the tarmac with smoke still billowing from ruptured aerofuel tanks at the airport perimeter was the sort of image that I think Israel should think long and hard about. It may indeed send a message to Hezbullah, and Hamas. The Lebanese government and state, hardly the most stable in history, will also find this yet another source of concern, and who would want the appalling 1970s and 1980s to return to that land?

But I think on a different, visceral, level it may spark a certain empathy amongst those who might not generally be inclined to criticise, or even think much one way or another about Israel – the hundreds of thousands who travel by air to destinations not uniquely different visually from Beirut and not thousands of miles away from it. And these images adds to the sense that Israel is, to some extent, willing to act in a fashion which appears disproportionate or excessive, that for it the rules don’t really apply.

But visuals do matter in a world linked by CNN and Fox and News 24. And for every one awed by the ability of the Israeli air force to project it’s power outside Israeli borders (incidentally one has to ask what sort of duff radar and air defence equipment did the Soviets sell the Syrians that the Presidential Summer Palace can be buzzed by IDF interceptors?) others will think it an exercise in unrestrained power, and perhaps wonder how that power can be restrained.
And that, I guess, means that this action, like so many others in recent years, can most likely be added to the counterproductive side of the balance sheet.

BBC – ‘Lefties’

(I don’t really like to post these kinds of commentless links, but this time I’ll make an exception).

For anyone who doesn’t have digital, or who missed it the first time, BBC2 is repeating the three part documentary ‘Lefties‘, about the Left, or ‘extreme’ Left (depending on your perspective, obviously) in the 1970s and 80s.

The first episode, about the Villa Road squatting campaign in on tonight at 7.30pm (on BBC2 Northern Ireland, anyway – after the GAA programme). Even if you miss it, watch out for the other programmes, about the women’s movement and the ill-fated News on Sunday.

Happy Birthday, Professor Death!

peter-singer.gif

Today marks the 60th birthday of Peter Singer, one of the most famous and arguably the most controversial philosophers alive today.  Singer is the Ira DeCamp Professor of Bioethics at Princeton University, and has previously lectured at Oxford, New York University and Monash in Melbourne. At the same time, though, he’s been described as ‘the most dangerous man on earth’, has been likened to a Nazi and attracted criticism from Simon Wiesenthal, and has caused Steve Forbes to withdraw funding from Princeton, his own alma mater. Given the popular stereotype of philosophers as crusty dons arguing politely in their studies about the meaning of meaning, what is it about Singer in particular that elicits such extreme reactions?

He first came to prominence in the early 1970s with his book Animal Liberation. While it’s a bit of a stretch to describe it (as has been done) as the founding document of the animal rights movement, it’s equally difficult to overestimate the importance of this work in ensuring that the issue of animal welfare is taken seriously, both in philosophical circles and in wider public debate.

To understand Singer’s position on the ‘rights’ of animals (and we’ll return to the question of rights later one), it’s necessary to understand his broader philosophical or ethical position. Singer is a utilitarian, specifically a preference utilitarian. Simplistically put (indeed, too simplistically) utilitarianism is an ethical position which judges the morality of an action on the extent to which it maximises happiness or pleasure and minimises pain or suffering. It is fundamentally an egalitarian philosophy, in which (to use the old expression) everyone counts as ‘one’, and no one counts as ‘more than one’.  Obviously this definition alone is so broad as to be almost meaningless, and a more sophisticated definition (of Singer’s preference utilitarianism specifically) is that ‘like interests should be treated with equal respect’.  My need for food, shelter and other necessities is no more or less important than your need for the same things. My desire not to be punched in the face is, by the same token, no less significant than your desire to avoid the same pain.

The importance of this focus on interests themselves, rather than on the ‘person’ (often a contentious term in applied ethics) is that it transcends other categories which are often considered morally significant.  In this worldview, it would be wrong of me to treat the interests of members of one particular group (e.g. of white people, or of men) as more important than the same interests of those in other groups (non-whites, or women, from the examples above) if the reason for the discrimination is solely based on their membership of those groups.  I can of course differentiate between different people if the interests themselves are different; it would be ethical of me, for example, to give the price of a meal to a starving man instead of taking my well-fed friend to dinner, as the need of the first man is greater than that of the second. Similarly, my desire mentioned above not to be punched in the face outweighs your desire to hit me (at least, I hope it does).

Why this becomes important in terms of animal welfare, Singer would argue, is because he believes that the species barrier, like differences in race, nationality, sexuality or gender, should not in itself be considered morally significant.  The best way to understand what this means in practice, perhaps, is to examine the rather contrived (but useful) term ‘speciesism’.

Just as racism can be seen as a tendency to judge someone’s worth or treat them differently on the basis of their race, and to consider those of other races as less deserving of consideration than those of our own, so too does speciesism make moral distinctions based solely on species, and sees the quality of being ‘human’ as being inherently important.

That is not to say, of course, that all species should be treated equally (as some would like to caricature this position as).   No one is talking, for example, about giving cats the right to vote.  But the reason behind this refusal is crucial; cat’s aren’t denied the franchise simply because they’re cats. It’s because, given their nature and the fact that they have neither the understanding of nor the capacity to vote, they have no interest (as the term is used above) in voting.  Denying them this right, therefore, is permissible in a way it wouldn’t be if you denied it to someone based on their gender.

However, the equal treatment of interests doctrine does have some radical implications for our own relationship with animals (or, as Singer more correctly describes them, non-human animals).  A dog mightn’t have the same interest in access to a primary education as a human, but both have an equal interest in avoiding pain.  To avoid the trap of speciesism, we must acknowledge that the pain of the dog matters no less than the pain of a human (given what we know about canine physiology).  If we seriously accept the significance of animal suffering, therefore, it’s very hard to see how the practices of factory farming can be justified.  Does my preference for eating meat outweigh to costs inflicted on the animals used in its production?  Remember, we’re not even talking about the pleasure I get from consuming animal products; it’s only the net difference between that and any pleasure or utility I would achieve from consuming vegetarian or vegan alternatives that I must balance against the suffering of the animals involved in the production of the dinner in front of me.

A clever reader will likely have thought through some of the implications of this position and will realise that it doesn’t necessarily prohibit the exploitation of animals in certain circumstances.  If a cow is raised in an environment where it’s happy, comfortable and has all it’s need met, and has only been brought into the world in order to eventually be turned into beef, then is quickly killing it in a way that involves no suffering actually wrong?  Not necessarily.  Assuming that a cow has no knowledge of its own mortality and, therefore, has no real interest in avoiding death then no real harm has been done.  Similarly, if the suffering of 30 pigs in scientific experiments leads to a medical breakthrough which saves the lives of hundreds of thousands of people, surely the interests of those people outweigh the pain of the pigs. It gets somewhat more complicated, though, if you’re talking about 10,000 pigs against the lives of 20 people.

This is why it’s a mistake to consider Singer an advocate of animal ‘rights’ (in the sense of inviolable moral duties we have towards other individuals); indeed, he’s a sceptic when it comes to this view of rights at all. In this, he comes into conflict with other philosophers like Tom Regan, who would hold very firmly to the rights perspective.  That said, though, Singer is one of the founding members of the Great Ape Project, which seeks to have Great Apes recognised as persons and to have certain legal rights guaranteed.

Singer also applies the doctrine of equal consideration to the issue of development and global justice.  His 1972 essay ‘Famine, Affluence and Morality’, written, in part, in response to the Bengal Famine posits a very straightforward thought experiment.  Suppose you are walking along a riverbank, and see a child drowning.  You could wade in and rescue her, and the only suffering you’d endure would be to ruin your nice new shoes.  Most of us would be repulsed by even the possibility of sacrificing the child for the sake of your shoes.

Singer’s argument, however, is that we do this all the time.  Every time we spend money on a non-necessity, such as a fancy meal, a nice holiday, or a trip to the theatre (the examples of ordinary life chosen by philosophers, it must be said, do tend to underline their class background) when you could, instead, donate that money to a charity such as Oxfam, you are acting in a way that’s not substantially morally different from those of our friend in the example who’s more concerned about his shoes than about a child’s life.

There are some possible objections to this position, but it’s difficult to make them stick.  One could point out that the child in question is right in front of you, rather than thousands of miles away.  However if we judge the morality of an action on the extent to which it respects the interests of all involved, then it’s hard to justify treating the interests of someone in one location as more important than those of a person somewhere else.  More substantially, many critics of Singer point out that this posits an obligation on people that few, if any, will be able to fulfill.  Even Singer himself admits that he doesn’t live up to the injunction to ‘give ‘till it hurts’ (or, more technically, to give as much as you can up to a point where the negative consequences of your giving would outweigh the positive impact of the donation).  But this does not in itself demonstrate that the proposition itself is flawed.  If could perhaps be held up as something we should strive towards, which is surely preferable to doing nothing.

An interview with Singer where he discusses the ethical issues around global poverty can be found here, and his work One World looks at this and the ethical implications of other global issues, such as climate change and migration.

One particularly interesting issue raised in ‘Famine, Affluence and Morality’ is the view that there’s no substantial moral difference between deliberately killing someone and allowing them to die.  Of course, from a consequentialist perspective, why should there be?  In the example of the child in the pond (or other examples he uses which involve sports cars and train tracks and which are teased about in almost obsessive detail by Peter Unger in Living High and Letting Die, which is heavily indebted to Singer’s earlier work) the person dies as result of a choice I make. Given that inaction is no less a choice than action, there’s no compelling reason why I should be held less responsible if it was in my power to save someone’s life and I didn’t, than if I pushed her into the river myself.

It’s this position, or how this position has been presented when applied to bioethical issues, that has proven so contentious.  Singer’s critics argue that he justifies the deliberate killing of newborns; rather startlingly, this is (strictly speaking) true.  A little blog like this doesn’t have the space to tease out all the nuances of what is an extremely complicated argument and must, unfortunately, deal in broad stokes. Still we’ll give it a shot.

A key point to make is that the representation of Singer’s position above is, if not a distortion, certainly overly simplistic.  While he does argue that the killing of infants can be justified, he does restrict this to very specific circumstances.  He’s referring to cases where the infant has been born with an abnormality so severe that is makes life not worth living from the point of view of the person living that life.  In such a situation he believes that killing the infant should be permitted. It’s for this reason that, and for the infamous and famously misrepresented quote – “killing a disabled infant is not morally equivalent to killing a person.  Very often it is not wrong at all” – that he’s likened to Hitler.

Again, however, we must look at his underlying assumptions before labelling him a Nazi (which isn’t a very nice thing to say about someone whose grandparents died in the Holocaust).  It’s clear from the quote that Singer wouldn’t consider the disabled infant to be a person. However, it is not the disability that means they are not a person, but the fact of their status as infants.  No newborn is a person; she only has the potential to become one.  A person, in this sense, is a being which has some kind of awareness of itself and of its own existence in time.  Given that the infant doesn’t, therefore, have a desire to continue living it’s, therefore, not necessarily wrong to end her life.

The distinction between killing and allowing to die mentioned above is also a critical one in this context.  Many are appalled at Singer’s view that profoundly disabled children could (with consent of their parents and doctors) be given an injection intended to bring about their deaths.  However, there is less controversy over decisions to withhold certain treatments from the same infants in cases where (again, in the view of doctors and parents) their life has become a burden to them.  Why make the distinction? Is it any more wrong to intentionally kill someone quickly than to take them off a respirator (which still results in death, but can take longer)?  Decisions like this are made all the time, but (as Singer notes in of his work on euthanasia) the taboo around the deliberate, as opposed to indirect, ending of life remains.

It’s not hard to see why many groups, specifically disability activists are outraged by Singer’s position. Their objections, however, are based on a few misconceptions, in my view. One argument they tend to make is that Singer is believes that they should have been killed at birth and that this shows profound disrespect for their current existence. This is mistaken, as they’re failing to appreciate the distinction between potential persons and the actual persons that they are. A similar error is to confuse the person with the disability.  Seeking to prevent or cure deafness does not imply that deaf people (as opposed to the condition of deafness) should not exist.

On one point of this argument I think criticism of Singer is valid. He does, at times, seem to fail to appreciate the socially constructed nature of disability itself.  People are ‘disabled’ by virtue of their difference from the majority of the population.  I am not ‘disabled’ because I’m unable to fly; similarly, if everyone was blind the inability to see wouldn’t be considered a disability at all.  Recognising this is the first step toward creating a society where disabled people are able to live full and active lives.  Singer, I think, doesn’t always take cognisance of the extent to which social structures, rather than the disability itself, can place the burden on the ‘disabled’ person (although, it does seem to be something he’s becoming more aware of since his early writing on the subject).

Before I finish this rather overlong tribute, which cannot do justice to the sophistication of his thought, or to the more problematic consequences of some of his beliefs (such as the replacability argument when it comes to infanticide, or Parfit’s Repugnant Conclusion, it’s only fair to point to some areas where Singer does seem to have been a little wide of the mark. He has predicted, in works like Rethinking Life and Death a ‘Copernican Revolution’ in our understanding of ethics where archaic, quasi-religious assumptions about, for example, the sanctity of life or the moral exceptionalism of humans.  That has yet to occur on any kind of substantial level. Indeed, irrational fundamentalist beliefs appear, if anything, to be on the ascendant.

By the same token, his attempts to address meta-ethical questions (i.e. ‘why should we behave ethically’ rather than ‘what is the ethical thing to do’) in works like How are we to live? have been far less convincing than his work on specific issues in applied ethics.

Still, as it’s his birthday (and I’m tired) perhaps we should gloss over those for now, and consider why Singer is important.  Even if we disagree with his conclusions, he shows us how we can use reason to come to important moral conclusions.  This is particularly useful when confronting a kind of soggy relativism that asserts that different values can and should be applied in different cultures.  I must admit that I can think of very few people outside of academia who sincerely hold this belief, but at least we now know what to do when confronted by Madeline Bunting down a dark alley.

At the same time, he reminds us that sometimes our immediate response to something isn’t always the correct one. Unlike those who pride themselves on fighting the relativists wherever the raise their ugly heads, Singer reveals that the fact that the Truth might exist doesn’t mean that you necessarily know what it is.

Throughout this piece I’ve cited various different books of Singer’s. However, his most comprehensive work is Practical Ethics, which has become the standard textbook on applied ethics on many campuses. A useful introduction to his thought is Writings on an Ethical Life, a collection of some of most important pieces.

And if anyone has had the patience to read all the way through the end, here’s an interesting titbit: Peter Singer shares the same birthday as Sylvester Stallone, who also turns 60 today.

Just fancy that!