Water meter protests… April 23, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics.
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Anti-water service charge protests have spread to Dublin as residents of a Cork housing estate continue to prevent Irish Water contractors from installing water meters in their estate.
In Dublin a group of people were this afternoon protesting against water metering in an estate in Raheny. However, a spokesman for Irish Water said the demonstration did not disrupt the installation of water meters.
A certain sort of cynicism April 23, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
Is the thought that comes to mind reading an assessment by Fiach Kelly in the Irish Times of the broader economic context and how it impacts upon citizens in the coming years, not least in relation to the supposed ‘end’ of austerity.
Some in Labour, which has taken the brunt of the criticism this week, would have preferred the announcement to be delayed until after the local and European elections, while the Taoiseach said voters would know well before then.
Isn’t this remarkably cynical, knowing that the charges will be within a certain range and not wanting that knowledge to be public for fear of what the political ramifications will be. Bad enough, some would think, the measures themselves without blurring the knowledge about them purely for electoral gain.
And Kelly notes that if the economy ‘improves’ in certain ways such as with rising house prices that will have knock on effects on property taxes as well as the potential for increased water charges further down the line. So this ‘improvement’ will to many many of us feel like no improvement at all.
No change then… April 22, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
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Social Justice Ireland has made a number of points regarding current state socio-economic policy, not least the idea that ‘boom and bust’ appears a very real possibility again. But given the cheerleading of the ‘recovery’ that approach from within the orthodoxy appears not so much a glitch as a feature – that, for example, the problems with what appears to be a bubble in property (and very specific areas in property) in Dublin, isn’t regarded as a problem at all.
Another point they raises is also spot on:
On taxation, the review says all tax reliefs and expenditures should be made available only at the standard rate of 20 per cent, and the tax base should be broadened and increased to take the total tax take to 34.9 per cent.
It is simply incredible that tax reliefs remain available at the higher rates in some instances.
Ah, no John, don’t do it… April 19, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Economy, The Left.
…a great interview with John Cooper Clarke here, but… what’s this he says?
So which way would you vote?
It’s a tough call. I wouldn’t recommend any of them. I suppose if I had to I would vote Labour but only out of blind class hatred, nothing else.
That’s what keeps these bastards coming back. To be honest, the only one whose language I even remotely understand is Nige [Farage]. Shoot me down in flames. Everyone else: they talk about nothing that seems to matter. It’s beyond satire. And even satire has become PR, you know, since someone told politicians they will get more votes if they join in with the piss-taking themselves.
Incomes and inequality April 18, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy.
Two pieces in the Guardian recently raise a number of useful questions. The first is a breakdown of UK incomes.
The figures paint a picture of what average incomes are in the UK for different household types. It may come as a surprise to some people that an income for a single adult of less than £39,800 is enough to be among the top 20% of earners for that group.
The median income for a single adult in the fifth decile is £17,600, but for a couple with two children it is £44,200, which may take them into the 40% tax bracket, helping to explain why so many families on average incomes feel they are in the “squeezed middle”. However, the figures do not distinguish between couples made up of two earners and those where just one is working.
There’s some reasonably good explanations as to what this means in comments below the piece… as one commentor says ‘what the chart really shows is the minimum income required to be in the top 5%, or top 15%, or top 25%, and so on’.
Meanwhile, what of this? An argument against inherited wealth. It does seem to me that inherited wealth, or the promise of same, is one of the great bulwarks raised up against progressive political approaches. It generates pools of inequality and privilege. And yet I cannot see how this can easily be addressed in a context where for example in the UK:
The “nil-rate threshold” – the value under which inherited wealth is untouched by tax – currently stands at £325,000, frozen since April 2009. But that’s only half the story. Since 2007, it has been possible for spouses to transfer their unused nil-rate band allowance to their surviving partner. This has lifted many estates in the £300-500,000 band out of inheritance tax altogether: at this point we are beginning to talk about substantial, indeed life-altering, sums of money.
In the Republic the situation appears to be as follows:
If you are a surviving spouse OR surviving civil partners taking an inheritance from your deceased spouse or civil partner, the inheritance is completely exempt and, no matter how valuable, will not be liable to Inheritance Tax.
Anyhow the Guardian piece makes the following point:
Why do we permit this? The transfer of wealth between generations is an injustice: it is a reward for no work, and a form of access to privileges that are otherwise beyond reach. Professor Thomas Piketty, in his new book Capital in the Twenty-First Century, makes the argument that, after a social-democratic blip in the middle of the last century, inheritance is once again becoming the key route to wealth. Piketty argues that if wealth is concentrated and the return on capital is higher than the economy’s growth rate, inherited wealth will grow more rapidly than that stemming from work.
The idea of a ‘social-democratic blip’ is well worth considering. The essential rout of social democracy (or not even a rout, because that suggests that at least some fight was put up where it might be better to see it as a stealing away in the night) shows how even under fairly weak SD approaches it was possible to start tilting the societal direction leftwards whereas now in the absence of that it is now becoming possible to strip away the residual elements of that dispensation.
May Day DCTU march April 16, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
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Ignore the fluff in much of this report and check this out, from the Irish Times, in relation to a Employment Market Monitor from CPl.
The survey also found that 40 per cent of employers said that women generally accept less remuneration than men for equal roles, particularly in the tech sector, while the monitor points to a strong first quarter for job listings, with the level of jobs posted in the science, engineering & supply chain segment showing the strongest growth since early 2013.
What, one wonders, is the definition of ‘accept’ used in that statement?
A flat water charge? April 14, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy.
…the utility company [Irish Water] confirmed it wanted to impose a basic charge – reported to be approximately €100 annually – for delivering water to individual homes. The price would be a third of the expected €300 water bill.
So is that €300 per annum per bill, and does that essentially constitute a flat rate across all households? Then where does any tariff structure come on top of that?
By the way, off topic, but can’t help but notice a fair number of spelling errors on the IT online on occasion. Check this out:
Fianna Fáil called for clarity on the matter and accused the Government of reigning on a commitment to offer a free water allowance.
Coalitions… April 10, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, Irish Politics, The Left.
Some thoughts of Vincent Brown’s in the Irish Times are useful in regard to underlying dynamics in Irish politics. Not sure I’d agree with all of them, but worth thinking about nonetheless.
He argues that if SF was given the chance to go in with FF (or FG) it would jump at the prospect and in doing so would compromise on pretty much everything.
This may well be correct, but it does depend upon others being willing to work with them in government. He argues that:
As for Fianna Fáil refusing to coalesce with Sinn Féin – solemn promises will be made to that effect by both Fianna Fáil and, incidentally, by Fine Gael, ahead of the next election and they will have the same relevance and effect as other election promises.
Fianna Fáil? Surely, but Fine Gael? I’m not so certain. I suspect that antipathy and hostility to SF is close enough to a core value and the idea of the two parties working together in government is far-fetched. That may not be the situation for ever, but at the moment and for the next half decade or further I think it will be. Talk to almost anyone in FG – and sometimes it seems that that exercise isn’t actually undertaken, and its fundamental, it almost transcends politics.
And let’s not ignore another aspect of this. Although FF and FG are remarkably similar on many political axis, that hasn’t allowed them to ever work in coalition together. Not once since the establishment of the former party in the 1920s, not in more recent supposedly post-ideological decades, not when the crucial cleavage over the North diminished considerably. The closest they came to an arrangement was during the Tallaght Strategy period between 1987 and 1989 and that was very much a one way dynamic from FG (who for all the praise that is heaped upon them were in part making a virtue of necessity by not bringing the government down and precipitating yet another election).
In other words these things, these distinctions, can have a political power that is greater than might be expected when looking in from outside.
It’s not incorrect to argue that both FF and FG are neo-liberal, but that’s not the only aspect of their identity, and in some contexts not even the most important one.
The two parties offer two routes to political power, two apparatuses, two somewhat different world views and two cultures. There are even some aspects of class in relation to both (though given FF’s ineptitude in maintaining its working class base during the crisis that may have changed)
There’s one other thought that strikes me. While SF no doubt would dearly love to be in government in both parts of the island in 1916 the prospects for that look dim, at least on current projections. And the experience of other parties, Labour most obviously but also the Green Party and Progressive Democrats, may weigh on their minds too. Their Dáil cohort is reasonably youthful (as these things go). It’s more than possible they may think it sensible to sit this one out and go for it in 2019/2020. Or sooner. For the most likely prospect short of an FG/FF coalition is an FG led minority government, a recipe for instability.
All that said I’m not going to underestimate the appetite in SF, or any political party, for a taste of state political power. And the waiting game takes its toll. Anyone with any acquaintance with the Green party parliamentary crew will know that by 2006 they were getting very tired indeed of perpetual opposition. That’s a factor as well.
Public sector employment… April 9, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy.
A most intriguing statistic squirrelled away in a report in the SBP that public sector pay rises will start in 2017. We are already told that at least a third of private sector companies are envisaging pay rises this year. So even from within the orthodoxy that doesn’t seem to be so unreasonable (and tellingly IBEC’s chief economist didn’t directly attack the idea but instead deflected to musing about public sector pensions). But be that as it may, what of this?
The analysis said that public servants had a slightly longer life expectancy than other workers. It predicted that female public servants currently aged 60 would live to the age of 90, while male public servants at this age would live to 85.
I’ve a few theories about that, and it would be useful to see the longevity of those in large scale private enterprises. I suspect that in contexts where there are clearly defined roles and accountable structures it may be that a certain degree of stress – whatever the nature of the workload -may be removed.