Seeing as we’re discussing the US November 27, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, The Left, US Politics.
…what about the anti-socialist narrative some have about Thanksgiving……I hadn’t heard of this before, but it’s an educative insight into how myths spring up and are propagated. Writing in Slate Joshua Keating notes:
…the right has its own version of Thanksgiving revisionist history—the idea that the holiday is a celebration of the pilgrims’ abandonment of socialism in favor of free enterprise.
Tell me more…
The storyline goes like this: The early settlers at Plymouth at first experimented with a system of collective ownership of farmland, which, as with their compatriots at Jamestown, led to widespread famine. When they eventually abandoned this system in favor of private ownership, farmers were more productive, the harvest was bountiful, and a feast was held in celebration. Pass the stuffing!
This tale has its roots in the Cold War. “Let us be thankful for this valued lesson from our Fathers—and yield not to the temptations of socialism,” advised a 1968 column by the popular midcentury conservative newspaper columnist Henry Hazlitt.
But apparently the arrival of the Tea Party has given the line a new impetus with various groups bandying it around…
“The Pilgrims tried ‘it takes a village’ socialism and almost starved,” remarks a column in Sunday’s Salem (Ohio) News, for instance. A 1999 version of the story published by the Mises Institute, a free-market think tank, is a popular email forward. Fox News’ John Stossel is also fond of the tale, as is George Will. Not surprisingly, the leading exponent of the theory may be Rush Limbaugh, who repeats the “true” story of Thanksgiving every year around this time on his radio show. “Long before Karl Marx was even born, the Pilgrims had discovered and experimented with what could only be described as socialism. And what happened? It didn’t work!” he told his listeners last year.
But… for there, is almost inevitably, a but:
As Kate Zernike of the New York Times pointed out in 2010, the timeline doesn’t quite work. The first Thanksgiving was celebrated in 1621. The system of collective ownership known as the “common course” was abandoned in 1623. And it was abandoned not because of famine but because the settlers wanted to make more money. As for Jamestown, their biggest problems were drought and malaria, not socialism.
And while it is true that:
…the Plymouth settlers abandoned a system of common ownership in favor of private property, and found it much more to their liking.
…the story is not quite the free-market folktale that its boosters would have you believe.
Communal farming arrangements were common in the pilgrims’ day. Many of the towns they came from in England were run according to the “open-field” system, in which the land holdings of a manor are divided into strips to be harvested by tenant farmers. As Nick Bunker writes in 2010’s Making Haste From Babylon: The Mayflower Pilgrims and Their World, “Open field farming was not some kind of communism. All the villagers were tenants of the landlord.”
There was no local baron in Plymouth, but it was a commercial project as much as a religious one, and the colonists still had to answer to their investors back in England. It was this, not socialist ideals, that accounted for the common course. Bunker writes, “Far from being a commune, the Mayflower was a common stock: the very words employed in the contract. All the land in the Plymouth Colony, its houses, its tools, and its trading profits (if they appeared) were to belong to a joint-stock company owned by the shareholders as a whole.”
There’s more and it’s actually very interesting. The conclusion is that ‘the Rush Limbaugh crowd should note that the settlers at Plymouth were rebelling against the rules set by a corporation, not against the strictures of some Stalinist collective farm or a hippie commune’.
What’s telling about all this is the way that the contemporary is justified and legitimised by an effectively fictional account of the past. There’s no great surprise there. E. Hobsbawm as we know had some thoughts on that.
What’s perhaps more telling is the fact that no one has sought to examine this critically from within the right, at least not on the evidence offered in the Slate piece, to test its credibility. And yet, in this day and age when anything and everything is open to question and in many cases easily verified it’s curious that that isn’t the case.
Does it matter? Well, yes, in so far as a narrative is being established, and a misleading one at that. It’s also worth noting that whether left or right wing in thrust, or neither of the above it tends to mask a deeply problematic history, not just of that period but after.On the Slate Culture Gabfest mention was made of this, Bury My Heart At Wounded Knee, the book by Dee Brown from 1970. As was said on the Gabfest…
It just told the story that wasn’t told before… the story of the American West from the perspective of the native peoples… relentless litany of how the Navajo and Apache were duped and obliterated by the American Government, how treaty after treaty was broken, how massacre after massacre occurred, it’s an incredibly harrowing read, but it’s an amazing feat of truth-telling and it’s quite something to read. You will come away with a completely different view of our history… and… it struck me where is the dialogue about reparations… we’re all living on stolen land… and we’re talking about reparations for African-Amewricans about slavery which is the huge, some would say the great moral question at the centre of American life… but what about the genocide of the Native Americans… what about the other one…
And finally to finish this Thanksgiving round-up, kudos to Slate and Amanda Marcotte also for pointing to this:
Black Friday has been poaching Thanksgiving itself, as demonstrated by this disturbing piece at Huffington Post showing how major retailers are opening earlier and earlier on the holiday. This, in turn, is increasing the amount of debate over whether employers should be allowed to steal the holiday from their low-wage service workers. “Increasingly, Thanksgiving is a holiday that only some can afford to celebrate,” Jillian Berman of Huffington Post writes.
Having to skip the actual meal portion of the day so you can sell cheap TVs to bored shoppers trying to escape their families is already an indignity, but, as Josh Harkinson of Mother Jones reports, the pain is compounded by many who have bosses who don’t even bother to tell them they’re working Thanksgiving until right before the holiday.
The software, which uses store traffic patterns, weather, and other variables to produce timely estimations of how many employees a store will need during any given shift, helps save companies money, but only by forcing low-wage workers to live the “on call” lifestyle, not knowing from one week to the next when they’re supposed to work. That mentality does not take a holiday for Thanksgiving, with many workers who had made travel or family plans being told at the last minute to drop those plans or get fired for not showing up to work, according to Harkinson’s reporting.
Marcotte notes that this is deeply gendered, as indeed it is, and it’s also – obviously – a class issue (she expands the former point noting that in the domestic sphere… ‘Seventy percent of women expected to have to wash Thanksgiving dishes, compared with 41 percent of men. Sixty-six percent of women knew they had to cook, compared with 35 percent of men. Men only exceeded women when it came to one Thanksgiving task: 46 percent of men figured they’d spend some time watching football, while only 26 percent of women thought the same’).
It just gets worse… and the comments under the Marcotte piece display some breathtaking examples of a lack of any fellow feeling with people forced to work those hours.
That “top-secret” spaceplane… October 18, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Science, US Politics.
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… that would be this one, would it?
Which an article in the Guardian notes (to the amusement of some comments BTL on the article) that it…
landed Friday at an air force base on the southern California coast.
Given that secrecy perhaps it’s a surprise to learn that it is known that…
The plane spent nearly two years circling Earth on a classified mission.
And what about it’s name, that’s surely classified… or not.
Known as the X-37B, it resembles a mini space shuttle.
Well, that’s obvious from the photos… the photos that were ‘stills from video’… stolen… no, actually, ‘made available by the Vandenberg Air Force Base’.
Well that’s none too clear, the infra red photo… so there’s still some mystery about what it looks like…
…if you haven’t seen this – credited to US AIR FORCE/Reuters.
And it’s highly implausible that much more is known, isn’t it… about it’s genesis, well other than:
The X-37B program has been an orphan of sorts, bouncing since its inception in 1999 between several federal agencies, Nasa among them. It now resides under the air force’s rapid capabilities office.
Or the numbers of aerospace craft actually built or the number of missions:
The plane that landed Friday is one of two built by Boeing. This is the program’s third mission, and began in December 2012.
Or its dimensions and features…
The plane stands 9.5ft tall and is just over 29ft long, with a wingspan under 15ft. It weighs 11,000lbs and has solar panels that unfurl to charge its batteries once in orbit.
Or future plans…
The air force said it plans to launch the fourth X-37B mission from Cape Canaveral, Florida, next year.
Which contains photographs of this remarkably covert vehicle dating from… erm… 2010.
More seriously, worth noting that the USAF has this sort of capability during a period when due to the retirement of the space shuttle the ability of the US to launch humans into Earth orbit necessitates using Russian launchers.
And a much more intriguing series of questions relate to what it actually does, and what it is intended to do.
Of course the USAF has long had a parallel programme (or used some shuttle missions) of launches. And there have been persistent rumours on the fringes of a covert USAF manned spaceflight capability, but the existence of this makes that seem unlikely.
Politically exploiting workers and suppressing political activity… October 17, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in US Politics.
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Here’s a depressing tale from Slate… early this year oil company ConocoPhillips in Alaska called workers to what was meant to be a ‘safety stand-down’ meeting, only for them to be told how to vote in the Alaska primaries.
The oil and gas industry, Schuelke said, was fighting Democrat-supported Ballot Measure 1, which sought to repeal a massive tax cut for oil companies that Alaska’s Republican-controlled state Legislature had recently passed. Schuelke told the crowd to vote against the repeal, according to the contracted worker, who was present. Schuelke claimed that many of the area’s jobs relied on the tax break. The implication was clear: Vote against repeal or your industry and your livelihood will suffer.
“I’d never seen so many confused faces and so many frowns,” the contractor said. “It was definitely an abuse of our safety culture.” (A ConocoPhillips spokeswoman said the primary purpose of the meeting was to reinforce safety measures.)
But given the nature of our societies and the rhetorical emphasis placed on ‘work’ (and by the by 6to5against had a great point here earlier about just how rhetorical that actually is) is there any great surprise in this? Simply put ‘work’ becomes its own justification, it doesn’t much matter if the work is rubbish, the wages abysmal (or if employers see no problem in that whatsoever), the fact the ‘work’ exists is enough. And it’s brilliantly deflective and diversionary because there’s no getting away from the centrality of work in life on so many different levels, albeit primarily financial.
So we see dispiriting efforts by companies to blur the division between work and all other aspects of life and so on. And in that context why not lecture your workers on how you think they should vote. Of course there was a corollary,
This particular construction worker favored repeal, which Democrats argued would allow Alaska to equitably tax oil companies to fund its struggling public school system and other vital services. Yet the contractor said that corporate management’s forceful political agenda at the site, where ConocoPhillips oversees a patchwork of oil field contractors, made it unwise to express a dissenting point of view. “The feeling was that if we didn’t stay quiet we could get blackballed from the Slope,” the contractor said. A welder and a pipefitter did jump up during the meeting to yell, “What does this have to do with safety!” and another worker walked up to Schuelke afterward to say she wouldn’t vote as he’d instructed.
And this is of a piece with all else on this issue, because there is a sense of ownership on the part of employers. They can demand so much of workers, and come back looking for more. I’ve often noted the lack of democracy in the workplace as contrasted with so many other areas of life (obviously that democracy is flawed, but once more a rhetorical, and sometimes more than rhetorical nod is made towards it). This simply is unremarked for the most part.
And the Slate piece notes that there’s a push on by employers and those on the right in the US to streamline the processes by which workers can be channelled in regard to their political choices.
…there is a common thread that links those efforts to those associated with ConocoPhillips and scores of other American companies: the Business-Industry Political Action Committee, or BIPAC, a political organization that has attracted little media scrutiny.
And BIPAC appears to be a most interesting entity – purportedly established to ‘educate workers in companies’ which ‘works hand in glove with GOP operatives’ and ‘A BIPAC slideshow brags of having ousted prominent Dem state Sen. Joe Paskvin’ well, read on. The piece also tackles a complaint from those who seek to defend BIPAC’s activities.
… in comments to local media, Hawkins has claimed to be motivated by the political power of Alaska’s unions, some of whom, most prominently the Teamsters, joined with oil companies in the campaign to defeat Ballot Measure 1.
Certainly, labor unions have aggressively engaged their members in partisan politics, and Citizens United bolstered these efforts. Yet, when it comes to pushing politics on workers, there are important differences between unions and businesses, according to Charlotte Garden, an assistant professor at Seattle University’s School of Law. “Unions cannot fire someone from their job for voicing disagreement,” says Garden. “This is a power that employers have over employees that unions don’t have.”
But there’s more to it than just the point of having an employer, bad and all, functionally pushing a certain political line on a worker for beyond that it has a chilling effect on those who might be involved politically on the other side of the debate, because why would they feel safe in sticking their head above the parapet for fear their employer discovers they are campaigning, or activist in one way or another? In that respect it’s remarkably clever as a tactic.
And finally, and related to that, what of this?
“This might surprise some people,” says John Snyder, an attorney at Jackson Lewis, a law firm based in White Plains, New York, that often represents companies in actions against unions. “But the First Amendment does not generally stop private employers from firing employees for their political views.”
They’ve obviously never been to Dublin on St. Patrick’s Day October 7, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, US Politics.
Thanks, I think, to the person who sent the link to this petition… a US crew bemoaning what they see as: the 2015 St. Patrick’s Day Parade in New York City will have homosexual activists marching under their own banner promoting the acceptance of homosexual sin.
And the outfit behind it are:
TFP Student Action is a project of the American Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family and Property. Founded in 1973, the American TFP was formed to resist, in the realm of ideas, the liberal, socialist and communist trends of the times and proudly affirm the positive values of tradition, family and private property. The American TFP was inspired by the work of the Brazilian intellectual and man of action Prof. Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira.
Telling to find in amongst the homophobia exhortations against socialism and communism, evolution… you name it…
Alistair Cooke’s Letter from America – 1969 to 1980. August 30, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Economy, US Politics.
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Fascinating podcast now available of Alistair Cooke of the BBC’s ‘Letter from America’. It’s remarkable to listen to Cooke explaining the US political system and the events of the time. One wonders if people are better informed today – I suspect they might be a little bit.
They’ve been pulled together from the tapes of two listeners, which is remarkable really. Pretty good quality too, not too much cleaning up in evidence in respect of the sound.
The one’s from 1980 are of particular interest with an insight into domestic and international events during that period, from the Presidential nomination process of the year – and how Ted Kennedy did in the primary – or rather did not, to the invasion of Afghanistan. Cooke was pretty cynical, in a gentle sort of a way. Well worth a listen.
Summer holidays August 3, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Economy, The Left, US Politics.
Wrote about holidays a few weeks back, and in particular some grim statistics from the US. So this piece here in the IT which reiterates much of that is of some interest.
But I had to wonder about the following:
We are more Berlin than Boston in our approach to longer holidays. EU countries take an average of 34 paid days holidays a year, compared with 25 in the US. Americans have become even more holidayphobic. The always-working culture has never been stronger. This year a study found that four out of 10 Americans do not take an average of eight days of their already limited holiday time, effectively leaving a million years of untaken leave on the tables of US employers every year.
And supporting quotes push agency back onto workers in all this…
“We can train ourselves to getting used to any length of holidays,” Farren says. “Americans can convince themselves that two weeks per year is enough, and teachers convince themselves that three months is too little.”
The problem is that this is not a ‘culture’ – that of longer or shorter or no holidays – that falls from the sky, as it were, or is ingrained in workers, but is something that is structured openly or not by employers and which workers must adhere to. Indeed the statistics in the piece linked to originally from here above is open about that. 55 million Americans don’t get paid vacation. Not that they don’t want it or don’t take it but don’t get it. And in a ‘culture’ like that it is more than obvious how that plays out across those employments where there is paid vacation.
US Senator and self-avowed socialist, Bernie Sanders… April 28, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in The Left, US Politics.
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…in interview with Slate.com which can be found here. He sounds like he’d fit comfortably into most left social democrat parties.
Anticipating 9/11 April 26, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Uncategorized, US Politics.
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Speaking of flying as we are… last month I saw the Lone Gunmen, a spin-off TV show from the X-Files which aired in early 2001 and lasted only 13 episodes (about the same length as the late lamented Firefly – also mentioned recently). I’d heard of it – and a curious plot point – but never seen it.
I enjoyed it for a variety of reasons – not least because it’s intrinsic paranoia about government and corporations appears 13 years later to be almost insufficiently strong – but that’s a matter of taste. It’s a bit clunky, and while the leads are enormously likeable whether multiple seasons could have been maintained is an open question. It’s not quite sure of the tone, whether serious and sombre like its progenitor or almost slapstick. And as is the way it sort of falls between those stools.
What, though, was genuinely strange was its inadvertent foreshadowing of events later that year in New York.
There’s a youtube link to it here, but who knows how long that will last?
For those into (un?)popular culture note the use of the fine Cuba (one half of who was ex-Chapterhouse member Ashley Bates) track “Cross the Line” at the beginning and one more reference which the eagle-eyed amongst you may spot.
Marriage equality and rapid societal change March 6, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Irish Politics, Marriage equality, US Politics.
Fascinating point made by John Dickerson on the Slate.com political gabfest this last week or so on the issue of same-sex marriage in the US. David Plotz had asked was there no leading Republican Presidential candidate in favour of same, and the answer was a vehement no, and Emily Bazelon’s response was to the point, ‘what are you talking about, were you expecting instant change from five minutes ago?’ and as Dickerson said, ‘the Democratic Presidential candidate wasn’t in favour of same-sex marriage until ten minutes ago!’ (they jest in terms of minutes, mostly).
But Dickerson continued that:
‘The CBS poll in the Fall of 2012 24% of Republican voters supported same-sex marriage, now in the Winter of (2013) 2014 40% do.
You never see that sort of movement particularly in the constituency that is so against it – to use a rough stereotype… that’s a lot of movement…that’s a lot there already’.
And Dickerson responded to Plotz’s question as to why no Republican Presidential candidate is in the field in favour of marriage equality by suggesting that that constituency is there to grab. Interesting that, but more so the sheer pace of change.
I wonder why that is? Is it that the issue is, for most – and I accept people take a sincere viewpoint to the contrary – actually once it’s worked through nowhere near as problematic as might be thought? After all, if one accepts the concept of civil unions then there’s little to stop movement to full marriage equality. Even so, there’s such rapid movement on this it suggests that at some level for all the talk of people feeling ‘threatened’ in actual fact the idea has been much better integrated into general attitudes than is sometimes thought.
Left behind, again? February 6, 2014Posted by WorldbyStorm in Culture, Economy, The Left, US Politics.
There’s an interesting piece in the Guardian Review section at the weekend which some may have missed. It’s an interview with George Lakoff, professor of cognitive science at the University of California at Berkeley and in it he lays waste to much of the left. It’s also a curious interview because, no doubt in part due to the nature of his research discipline Lakoff tends to divide matters up as follows:
There’s a difference between progressive morality, which is great, and the progressive mindset, which is half OK and half awful.
And this latter he blames for a host of issues:
The progressive mindset is guaranteeing no progress on global warming. The progressive mindset is saying, ‘Yes, fracking is fine.’ The progressive mindset is saying, ‘Yes, genetically modified organisms are OK’, when, in fact, they’re horrible, and the progressive mindset doesn’t know how to describe how horrible they are.
Lakoff is affable and generous. In public meetings he greets every question with: “That is an extremely good question.” But he cannot keep the frustration out of his voice: the left, he argues, is losing the political argument – every year, it cedes more ground to the right, under the mistaken impression that this will bring everything closer to the centre. In fact, there is no centre: the more progressives capitulate, the more boldly the conservatives express their vision, and the further to the right the mainstream moves.
I don’t want to do Lakoff a disservice. I’ve never read any of his books and it is very possible that the interview is mangling his thesis in part or whole. But while I find that analysis outlined above very compelling, I’m less convinced by the rationale that Lakoff offers as to why this is.
The reason is that conservatives speak from an authentic moral position, and appeal to voters’ values. Liberals try to argue against them using evidence; they are embarrassed by emotionality. They think that if you can just demonstrate to voters how their self-interest is served by a socially egalitarian position, that will work, and everyone will vote for them and the debate will be over. In fact, Lakoff asserts, voters don’t vote for bald self-interest; self-interest fails to ignite, it inspires nothing – progressives, of all people, ought to understand this.
I wonder though is that getting the dynamic entirely right? In a way – to my mind – it is the specifics aren’t sufficiently addressed. There’s perhaps too much ‘wait until we achieve x or y and then problems a and b will be automatically solved’. Whereas there seems to me to be a strong counter-argument that in fact the left is very very bad at constructing a clear outline of how we should push left today to point w, then tomorrow we should push left to x and subsequently to y and so on to z – and why we should do that. Not so much stages as an imperative to move leftwards at all times. In other words linking clear issues in the present, immediate issues of a type we are all familiar with from policy, campaigns and so on, to that area in between and then on to more transformative processes further down the line.
And then there’s the point about self-interest. I’m not entirely convinced either that voters don’t vote to some degree for perceived self-interest. Not necessarily in the totality, but sufficiently so to cause significant problems for left projects. The lower taxation trope is propped up by theoretical justifications by the right, but it is also sustained by a large dose of (often understandable) self-interest on the part of those who support it, and look at the property tax and the manner in which it has functioned for proof of same – albeit championed by sections of the left.
None of which is to deny that conservatives do assume a moral position that can appear authentic (and is regarded as such by many conservatives).
It’s interesting too to read the following:
Lakoff predicted all this in Moral Politics, first published in 1996. In it, he warned that “if liberals do not concern themselves very seriously and very quickly with the unity of their own philosophy and with morality and the family, they will not merely continue to lose elections but will as well bear responsibility for the success of conservatives in turning back the clock of progress in America.” Since then, the left has cleaved moderately well to established principles around the politics of the individual – women are equal, racism is wrong, homophobia is wrong. But everything else: a fair day’s work for a fair day’s pay, the essential dignity of all humans, even if they’re foreign people or young people, education as a public good, the natural world as a treasure rather than an instrument of our convenience, the existence of motives besides profit, the pointlessness and poison of privatisation, the profundity, worth and purpose of pooling resources … this stuff is an embarrassment to centre-left parties, even when they’re in government, let alone when they’re in opposition. When unions reference these ideas, they are dismissed as dinosaurs.
And then compare and contrast it with this:
Yet equivalent rightwing positions – that efficiency is all, that big government is inefficient and therefore inherently bad, that nothing must come between a business and its pursuit of profit, that poverty is a lifestyle choice of the weak, that social breakdown can be ascribed to single mothers and immigrants – have been subject to no abatement, no modification, no “modernising”.
But it is obvious – even accepting that these are broad brush strokes – what the distinction is. The right has hegemony in relation to economics, the left has some partial success – and in some instances blinding success – in relation to social issues. Whether the ‘left’ can take credit for the latter is an open question since these are issues which cross-class alliances can more easily engage with and coalesce around than economics.
Again, a caveat, we live in a world where the left shaped the discourse sufficiently to permit welfare states and safety nets to become an accepted, albeit unloved, part of the dispensation. Now granted this is of utility to capitalism, but it suggests at least some degree of agency on the part of the left. But… problematically consider how partial the welfare state is, how contingent, how it is in effect permitted by capitalism (though perpetually under threat of whittling away), and used, but how little effort was made to push further by the left at the height of social democracy (as was).
And what of class? Not mentioned at all by the interviewer or in this piece by Lakoff. That’s a telling omission.
Could it be more fundamental than Lakoff proposes, that the collapse of the Soviets (whatever position one adopts in relation to them and their role – for better and worse) and the seeming failure (at least in the terms it is painted by the right) of traditional social democracy, has led to a situation where the economic needle has been pushed rightwards by the right and in a situation where there has been if not an abandonment then an aversion to significant thinking, let alone innovation, in political economy on the part of most of the left? That would account for why the left is able to in part make some running on social issues but little or none on economic issues (and where it does engage with the latter it tends to be defensive and reactive). And if that’s the case then it’s not just about framing arguments but about something much much more fundamental.
But that more fundamental aspect may just be a bundle of dynamics… the inability of social democracy to support and sustain its own partial creation of welfare states and extension of the state sector, a similar inability to theorise that, an almost credulous openness to the ‘market’, a disunity on the left(s) and the sheer momentum behind capitalism, in all its various manifestations.
Of course, perhaps Lakoff is saying the left is inauthentic in its messages, which is a view, but then how to gain authenticity, indeed what is authenticity? And in that regard how is the right authentic? Is that simply a function of socio-economic structures determining outcomes in certain ways, so that the lived experience of most is such that alternative structures, or even mildly reformist ones, appear next to impossible?
Morality though. I think that takes one only part of the way on the journey.
There’s no question that much of what Lakoff says is correct, for example, the following:
If the two systems are poised in pure opposition, if they are each as moral, as metaphorical, as anciently rooted, as solidly grounded as the other, then why is one winning? “Progressives want to follow the polls … Conservatives don’t follow the polls; they want to change them. Political ground is gained not when you successfully inhabit the middle ground, but when you successfully impose your framing as the ‘common-sense’ position.”
But what that suggests is that conservatives adopt pragmatic approaches, whereby they grab what they can get and have strategies mapped out for what they can’t. Of course, it is actually easier for them in many respects. However ‘liberal’ a society the sheer momentum of conservative projects is something to behold. That appeal to ‘common-sense’, sometimes dressed up as ‘moderation’ or ‘pragmatism’ is much more easily made. I’ve noted previously that the left often underestimates, drastically so in some instances, the sheer lack of appetite for change and the tendency to cleave to the status quo, even as that status quo itself changes for the worse. Many will have seen that dynamic more broadly in the society or, as I’ve seen it at first-hand, in workplaces where appalling working conditions were tolerated because they appeared stable. It’s an appeal that we’ve seen have considerable traction in this state since the beginning of the crisis.
But it’s difficult to quite get to grasp in the interview with what Lakoff is suggesting and it could be that that is simply the function of the interview itself. That said one would hope that in any overview of body of thought some basic principles would be apparent, and I’m not certain that they are. Indeed some of it treads close to presentation. For example:
One of Lakoff’s engagements in London was at the TUC, where they proudly showed him a video they had made about welfare, and it fell into all these Wisconsin pitfalls – restating Cameron’s case in order to dispute it, but in reality falling into the trap of trying to dispel welfare “myths”, instead of talking about a social security system of which we should be proud. He took it apart at the seams.
Presentation is essential (though one could also argue that in fairness to the TUC, when the ground on which one is fighting has shifted towards the right so much firefighting along the lines of dispelling myths is also essential). But again it comes back to fundamentals. What is the left attempting to do? How is it doing that? How is it presenting that to those whose support it requires to achieve that end? How is it changing minds? Is it making any progress?